Easter attack mastermind claims: Govt. contradicts FBI and Australian police findings
- In reply to letters from Sri Lanka’s police chief, US and Australian authorities state no further investigation is needed into the Easter attacks
- Public Security Minister Wijepala refers to Pillayan in Easter Sunday investigation
- In his book, Pillayan explains rise of extremism and ideology of terrorists behind the attacks
By Our Political Editor (ST lk 20-04-2025) Sri Lanka today commemorates the sixth anniversary of the Easter Sunday massacres, a tragedy that claimed 269 lives, including men, women, and children, many of whom were attending worship.
This year, the memory is overshadowed by explosive new claims suggesting fresh investigations have unearthed previously unknown masterminds. This controversy has deepened after Public Security and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala made a startling disclosure in Parliament on April 10. He charged that Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan, widely known as Pillayan—a former guerrilla leader turned politician— has been arrested by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID). He said lots of information about his involvement in the Easter Sunday attacks have been revealed. “We will not allow any crime to be swept under the carpet,” Wijepala declared, vowing “to restore law and order.” Yet, his statement lacked substantive details, leaving the public grappling with unanswered questions. The events that followed made it worse.
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, campaigning for the May 6 local council elections, hinted at new developments in the investigations but refrained from disclosing specifics. The silence from other NPP-JVP leaders has only fuelled scepticism, raising doubts about the authenticity and timing of these revelations. Questions have arisen on whether the new developments will end up as an attempt to rewrite history — a phenomenon all too common in the country’s recent past, including the military defeat of Tiger guerrillas. More so when a deadline imposed by Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith for a government response on new findings before the sixth anniversary hangs in the air. Thus, it is not immediately clear whether a CID team with orders to brief him regularly has given reasons or whether he would go ahead with the protest march from Colombo to Katuwapitiya church, one of those attacked, to express dissatisfaction. It covers over 37 kilometres.
Pillayan presenting copies of his book, Easter Padukolai, to religious leaders from the Eastern Province at a ceremony held last year
In a new development on Thursday night, CID detectives arrested K. Jeyakishan, alias Jeyanthan, a resident of Valachchenai, and brought him to Colombo. He is a close associate of Pillayan and worked at the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP) office in Batticaloa. They said his arrest was related to the ongoing probe into the 2006 disappearance of Subramaniam Raveendranath, once Vice Chancellor of the Eastern University. Another arrested on Friday was Deva Sugath alias Kanth, a private bus driver. He had served as driver to Jeyakishan.
According to an official announcement by Police Headquarters, Pillayan was arrested on April 8 also in connection with the abduction of Professor Raveendranath. The academic’s whereabouts are not known thereafter. Pillayan is now being detained at the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) on a detention order for three months under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA). As Defence Minister President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has signed the order. This will no doubt give time for the investigators to question him and cross-check the “fresh evidence” they may gather. Minister Wijepala’s disclosure about Pillayan’s link to the Easter Sunday attacks gives reason for the long detention.
This year’s claims collide with earlier international investigations, conducted by teams from the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) from the United States and the Australian Federal Police. They had the largest teams and their probes were intensive. A team from Israel’s Mossad provided them with detailed technical assistance and advice. Other police teams were from Scotland Yard in the United Kingdom, the New Zealand Police, Danish Police, Dutch Police, and Interpol top officials from their headquarters in Lyon, France. All probe teams worked in close corroboration with the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) and were working from their fourth-floor headquarters at the New Secretariat building. Senior DIG Ravi Seneviratne headed the CID whose director then was Shani Abeysekera, SSP. The probes ended in the separate investigators coming to a single conclusion—that the massacres were orchestrated by “ISIS in Sri Lanka”, an affiliate recognised by ISIS leadership then rooted in Syria. The attacker’s allegiance to ISIS, their direct communication with Syria, and their training—all solidify this narrative.
Last week’s issue of the Sunday Times (April 14), released on April 11 on account of the Avurudu holidays, revealed highlights of a 71-page affidavit filed in a Los Angeles court by the head of the FBI investigation team. Merrilee R. Godwin, a special agent who led the team of around 33 to Sri Lanka. He forwarded the affidavit in support of a criminal case against and arrest warrants for Mohamed Naufer, Mohamed Answer Mohamed Riskan and Ahmed Milhan Hayathu Mohamed before US courts. This is over the killing of five US nationals during Easter Sunday attacks.
The affidavit, dated November 12, 2020, noted that “the attackers and their co-conspirators were members and supporters of ISIS and created a group, ‘ISIS in Sri Lanka.” They claimed responsibility for the attacks via their news agency, declaring that “Islamic State fighters” had “targeted citizens of coalition states and Christians in Sri Lanka”. ISIS also posted a picture and video of the attackers swearing allegiance (“bayat”) to ISIS’s then leader, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi (“al-Baghdadi”). Before detonating an IED that killed himself and scores of victims, Jahran Mohamed Cassim, also known as (“aka”) Mohamad Cassim Mohamad Zahran, aka Zahran Hashim (“Zahran”), was the mastermind behind the Easter Attacks and the self-proclaimed leader of ISIS in Sri Lanka. Zahran claimed to have communicated directly with ISIS leadership in Syria and obtained approval to operate as an ISIS affiliate. The group member swore bayat and trained and recruited new members using ISIS instruction materials that ISIS provided.”
The new assertions contradict the findings of international investigators and those from Sri Lanka too. This adds an overly complex web of uncertainty. From legal affidavits filed in the US courts to evidence collected from crime scenes, the international investigation tied key conspirators like Zahran Hashim and Mohamed Naufer to the attacks. With such opposing narratives, the truth behind the Easter Sunday tragedies continues to elude justice.
Details of Pillayan’s alleged involvement in the Easter Sunday massacres have not yet been made public. A onetime minister, now a member of the Mawbima Janatha Party (MJP) and lawyer, Udaya Gammanpila, declared at a news conference last Monday that Pillayan had told him that he has still not been questioned on the Easter Sunday attacks. This was during a meeting he held with him at the CID headquarters where he is being detained.
Gammanpila had been given permission to meet Pillayan as a lawyer representing him. However, he had complained that four staffers in the CID remained with him throughout his meeting and alleged this violated his lawyer-client privileges. Pillayan has also denied any involvement in the Easter Sunday incidents, he declared, adding that he remains in custody for the alleged abduction of the then Vice Chancellor of the Eastern University. He said that the Detention Order served on Pillayan did not refer to the Easter Sunday incidents.
Since the Easter Sunday attacks in 2019, Pillayan has faced allegations from some quarters over his reported association with alleged attackers who were imprisoned in Batticaloa alongside him, albeit under different circumstances. Among them were his former battlefield adversaries. Pillayan’s history as a Tiger guerrilla, marked by episodes of violence and murders, lent weight to these claims. However, no concrete evidence emerged to substantiate his direct involvement in specific incidents or in any other activity. His name did not surface in international investigations or the probes earlier by CID. So much so, he denied involvement in a 329-page Tamil book titled Easter Padukolai or Easter suicide. A section of the Buddhist, Muslim and Hindu clergy took part in the launch from the Kanchana Mandapam in Batticaloa in March 2024. A Sinhala translation was released thereafter. He said that the Easter Sunday attacks came when he was completing his book.
He declared that it “took place at a time when I was in remand prison. I do not have any involvement in these incidents. I wish to categorically state that this is a baseless and fraudulent act linking me to this horrendous crime. It has been committed with an ulterior political motive. If anyone has any doubts about the attacks, they need to watch the full video of Zahran and his followers just prior to the suicide attack where they declare their allegiance/oaths.”
Among the highlights of the book:
Pillayan traces the roots of Islamist extremism in the Eastern Province, attributing its rise to increased connectivity with Middle Eastern countries, job opportunities abroad, and the establishment of Islamic teaching institutions. He argues these factors led to the spread of Wahhabism, particularly among the youth. Founded in the 18th century by Muhammad ibn Abd al-Wahhab in present-day Saudi Arabia, it advocates for the rejection of innovations (bid’a) and practices that it considers to be deviations from the original teachings of Islam.
He emphasises the importance of understanding history to foster reconciliation among Sri Lanka’s ethnic communities.
He recounts his interactions with Islamic radicals during his time in remand custody in 2017. He describes receiving a book on Islamic thinking from Zain Moulavi, a senior member of the group, during discussions about their radical behaviour.
The book also reveals shocking claims about Zahran Hashim training 15 women for suicide missions in December 2018. Pillayan cites intelligence reports and testimonies from arrested individuals to support this assertion.
Increased job opportunities in the Middle East, establishment of Islamic teaching institutions and other connectivity to those countries have resulted in the systematic ‘arabisation’ of the east. (Note: Intelligence channels have reported to government of the emergence of a group called “Super Muslims” in an eastern town. It is still in its infancy)
These developments paved the way for spreading “Wahhabism” particularly among the youth in the area which led to the Easter Sunday attacks.
He noted that without understanding and discussing history, it would be impossible to talk about reconciliation among ethnic communities in the country.
He reveals that he met a group of Islamic radicals a few times whilst he was in remand custody in Batticaloa in 2017. Zain Moulavi, the seniormost of this group has given a book on Islamic thinking to him. This was when the latter questioned him about reasons for their radical behaviour.
These followers of Zahran have been arrested by Police over a clash with Sufi Muslims in 2017 and were in the remand prison for approximately eight months. Sufism, a mystical branch of Islam focuses on inner spiritual purification and seeking direct knowledge of Allah. Later, two youth out of this group committed suicide during Police/Army raids on their safehouse in Sainthamaruthu (Batticaloa district) on April 26, 2019.
These revelations add layers to the ongoing discourse around the attacks, highlighting the interplay of ideology, radicalization, and political narratives. Pillayan’s denial of involvement and his focus on historical and ideological analysis make his book a significant, albeit highly controversial, contribution to understanding the tragedy.
Findings of investigations by foreign teams were conveyed to then Inspector General of Police, Chandana Wickremeratne, from time to time. This is in addition to his own CID teams reporting to him regularly. In a bid to ensure more persons responsible were brought to courts, he sought further help of both the FBI and the Australian Federal Police (AFP). He wanted to know whether further investigations were being conducted. To both the FBI and the AFP the greater interest was the ISIS links to Sri Lankans. This is particularly in view of their presence in the two countries.
The letter to the Director of the FBI in Washington D.C. highlights that the then Police Chief Wickremeratne had not only accepted the findings of foreign investigators but also wanted more information. It was transmitted through Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the United States, Mahinda Samarasinghe. He in turn had to route it through the Department of State. This process lays bare an important message to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Often, those in Colombo-based diplomatic missions do not follow the protocol of directing their queries or meetings to this ministry. They deal with the government body directly responsible, sometimes without the knowledge of the ministry itself.
In a letter dated March 29, 2022, IGP Wickremeratne said, “The Sri Lanka Police extends its heartfelt gratitude towards the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) for the unhesitating support it renders by way of making parallel investigations over the Easter Sunday brutal suicide bombings carried out in Sri Lanka on 21st April 2019 by the later identified Muslim extremist group.
“The initial investigation into these suicide bombings especially conducted by the FBI in collaboration with the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) to which I command as the Head of the CID, was able to find many evidentiary valued materials which are in support of the ongoing courts’ proceedings pertinent to this attack.
“Upon tendering the progress of the investigation with the findings of the FBI made in its initial investigation to the competent courts of Sri Lanka, it has been directed the CID by that courts to tender further findings of the FBI investigation apart from its initial findings which have already been tendered to the courts. (Sic)
“With the view of adhering to the directions of the courts, the CID is in high necessity of obtaining relevant material/evidence, if any, gathered through the subsequent stages of the investigation which is being conducted by the FBI.
“Since the CID has to tender to the courts within a short period of time the further findings of the FBI’s investigation relating to this suicide attack, if any, in order to allow the courts to be proceeded with, your early reply into this highly essential in nature. (Sic)
“Whilst thanking you in advance, your co-operation in this regard is greatly appreciated.”
Ambassador Samarasinghe received a reply from Christopher A. Landberg, then Acting Principal Deputy Co-ordinator, Bureau of Counterterrorism, US Department of State. This is what he said in an email on April 7, 2022: “Thank you for raising with us Sri Lanka’s request for an independent investigation into the Easter Sunday attacks. The bombings that took place on April 21, 2019 were both shocking and horrific, tragically claiming the lives of 269 people, including five US citizens, and injuring hundreds of other innocent people. In the immediate aftermath of the attacks, and continuing to the present day, the US Government provided assistance in the investigation and prosecution of those responsible—to the point that the Department of Justice filed a criminal complaint in January 2021 against those deemed responsible for the deaths of US citizens. In light of that, even as we stand ready to continue providing support to your government, it would not make sense for the United States to continue to conduct an additional investigation into the attacks.
“In terms of our co-operation on this case, I would like to highlight that the US Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) has worked closely with the Sri Lankan law enforcement, and in the week after the attack, deployed approximately 33 personnel to Colombo to assist Sri Lanka’s Criminal Investigation Department with all aspects of their investigation. These efforts included evidence collection, witness and victim interviews, and exploitation of digital devices. In the months following the April 21 2019 attacks, the US Ambassador and the FBI’s Legal Attache regularly briefed the then President, Prime Minister and Defence Minister on the ongoing investigation. The joint work culminated in the US Department of Justice charging three suspects in the United States in January 2021, as noted above.
“In addition to support for the 2019 investigation into the Easter attacks, the US government—through the Department of Justice and Department of State’s Bureau of Counterterrorism—has provided ongoing case-based mentoring and training to Sri Lankan prosecutors pursuing counterterrorism cases. The Department of State’s Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement has also provided general judicial and prosecutorial assistance and training over several years. After the attacks, the Department of State also developed a proposal for broader counterterrorism co-operation, included in the non-paper we shared with you and your team on February 8, 2022.
“Our team would be happy to facilitate additional briefings on our support for the investigation and our ongoing and potential counterterrorism assistance to your government. We also pledge to consider any additional requests from the Attorney General for support from US prosecutors two of whom are currently on the ground in Colombo. We look forward to continued collaboration to bring the perpetrators of the Easter Sunday bombings to justice and to further strengthening our counterterrorism co-operation.”
There are important takeaways from the US State Department message above. Sri Lanka, most pointedly, sought a second FBI investigation. Quite clearly, the CID was unable to cope on its own with the enormity of the probe. They also did not possess the technical resources. The other is the fact that the US government’s official position on the initiatives they have taken is all based on the findings of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). That is how their Justice Department resorted to court action and extended a series of other counterterrorism assistance to Sri Lanka. For five long years, this position has not been challenged. In the sixth year, with the advent of the NPP-JVP government, its Public Security Minister Wijepala has now claimed there are new findings. He has declared that Pillayan is implicated—a fact that has not been found during international investigations. Sri Lankans are yet to be told what they are. That naturally begs the answer to the question, why did the CID not come by any trace of Pillayan’s alleged involvement then?
Then Police Chief Wickremeratne wrote to the Australian Federal Police on March 29, 2022. The letter was on the same line as the one addressed to the Director of the FBI. He thanked the Australian Federal Police for their “unhesitating support” in making “parallel investigations of the Easter Sunday brutal suicide bombings carried out in Sri Lanka on April 21, 2019 later identified as a Muslim extremist group.” He said that “the CID I command was able to find many evidentiary valued materials which are in support of the ongoing court proceedings pertinent to this attack.” Wickremaratchchige Thilakaratna, later Director of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), also wrote to the Australian Federal Police. Among other matters, he told them, “Some of the investigations have been completed, and the extracts were forwarded to the Hon. Attorney General for his advice in this backdrop; kindly request to inform us whether you have any production, pending reports, or conclusions to submit to our investigation authorities which will help us to finalise matters at this end.”
During interaction with IGP Wickremeratne and those at the CID, the Australian Federal Police (AFP) investigators led by Detective Superintendent Robert Wilson told his Sri Lankan counterparts that their findings were identical to the revelations unearthed by the FBI. Excerpts from a letter Mark McIntyre, Commander, Counterterrorism Investigations South, wrote to IGP Wickremeratne on April 21, 2022: “The Australian Federal Police (AFP) extends its regards to the Sri Lanka Police (SLP) and the Criminal Investigation Department for the ongoing co-operation into matters of National Security.
“Following the tragic terrorist attacks that occurred in Colombo on 21 April 2019, the AFP deployed investigations, intelligence and Forensics members to provide capability advice and assistance to the Sri Lanka Police, with an additional 33 devices taken to Australia for additional examination to extract the data. Three devices were unable to be examined by the AFP and were provided to the FBI for further examination. All devices and the contents extracted from those devices were provided to Sri Lankan Police upon completion of examination.
“There are no ongoing investigations by the AFP into the 2019 Easter Sunday terrorist attack.”
The irony is unmistakable. Leading the renewed investigations are Ravi Seneviratne, now Secretary to the Ministry of Public Security, and Shani Abeysekera, Director of the Central Crime Investigation Bureau and the Bureau of Central Criminal Intelligence Analysis. Both, after their retirement, campaigned on NPP-JVP platforms during presidential and parliamentary elections, only to be reinstated to the police. SSP Abeysekera, soon to be promoted DIG, is operating from Police Headquarters, making periodic visits to the CID to monitor ‘progress in fresh investigations.’ Both held sway at the CID when the Easter Sunday attacks took place.
With Pillayan—a man notorious for orchestrating violence in the east—now identified as being involved, they must unearth compelling evidence. For this, they have three months. This is not merely to challenge international investigations that missed these findings but to address a looming foreign policy dilemma for the NPP-JVP government, particularly with the United States and Australia.
The arrest warrant issued on ZaharanAn open warrant for the arrest of Mohamed Zaharan, the self-styled leader of the National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ), had been issued by a Colombo magistrate back in August last year, but the wanted man had gone into hiding by then, and the search for him had dissipated with the arrest of the then Terrorism Investigations Division (TID) chief DIG Nalaka Silva shortly thereafter, it has now been revealed.
The open warrant had been issued after the Police TID filed a ‘B’ report dated July 2, 2018, before the Colombo Magistrate’s Court, citing Mohamed Cassim Mohamed Zaharan by name and stating that he was using the internet to spread disaffection among communities and for proposed terrorist activities.
The report filed in court referred to Zaharan’s clash with Isthihadi Ahlul Sunnathul Wal Jamath (IASWJ) members in March 2017 in Kattankudy and ten persons being produced by the Kattankudy Police before the Batticaloa Courts. They were later bailed out while Zaharan had fled the area and gone into hiding.
This means that, at least since last year, the TID had been hot on the trail of Zaharan, believed to be the mastermind of the Easter Sunday multiple bombings that killed 258 people. But the trail dissipated even after an open warrant for his arrest was granted in August last year, as the TID DIG was arrested in September 2018 on charges relating to an attempt to assassinate President Maithripala Sirisena.
The TID had also asked court for Interpol to be requested to issue a “blue notice’ – a notice that alerts police and immigration officials worldwide for additional information on the person’s identity, location or activities in relation to a crime as there was a likelihood that he could travel overseas, or was already abroad.
The “B’ report submitted to court stated that Zaharan was suspected of wanting to create divisions between communities, especially among the Sinhala and Muslim communities with the aim of causing communal violence.
It added that his name was being included in the Police Gazette as a wanted man.
In an affidavit filed by the TID investigating officer, court was informed that Zaharan was using a video to disseminate radical views that were reaching a number of youths and causing animosity even within his religious community.
The TID officer said they had been monitoring his speeches exhorting violence. His signed affidavit was dated June 29, 2018. The court order was dated August 8, 2018.
DIG Nalaka Silva was released on bail this week. He was interdicted in October, 2018.
A chronology of terror attacks on April 21, 2019
Here is a brief chronology of the incidents that occurred on Easter Sunday April 21, 2019, over which the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) is now probing for new masterminds. These incidents occurred in the morning.
- A suicide bomber detonates an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) inside the most venerated St Anthony’s Church. The attacker was later identified as Ahamed Muaath Alaudeen (Muaath).
- A suicide bomber detonates an IED inside the Kingsbury Hotel. The attacker was identified as Mohamed Azam Mohamed Mubarak. Police find video footage of the attacker from surveillance cameras.
- A suicide bomber detonates an IED inside St Sebastian’s Church in Negombo. He was later identified as Achchi Mohamed Hasthun. Police obtain video footage from surveillance cameras before the explosion that show Hasthun’s movements.
- A suicide bomber detonates an IED inside Cinnamon Grand Hotel. The attacker is identified as Mohamed Ibrahim Inshaf Ahmad. Police obtain video footage of his movements inside before the explosion. Five US citizens were killed here. That included a US Commerce Department official who was on a business mission.
- A suicide bomber attempts to explode an IED inside Hotel Taj Samudra. He left the hotel after the explosive device trigger mechanism failed. Video footage of surveillance cameras shows him attempting to trigger the IED without success.
- Two attackers – leader Zahran and Ilham Mohamed Mohamed Ibrahim, (Ilham) detonated IEDs inside the Shangri La Hotel. Police obtained video footage from surveillance cameras about the duo’s movements before the explosion.
- A suicide bomber explodes an IED inside the Zion Roman Catholic Church in Batticaloa. Mohamed Nazar Mohamed Azath is identified as the attacker.
- In the afternoon, a suicide bomber, who failed to detonate the IED at Hotel Taj Samudra detonated an IED inside the New Tropical Inn in Dehiwala. He was identified as Abdul Latheef Mohamed Jameel.
Late afternoon, Fathima Jiffry, the wife of Ilham (one of the Shangri La hotel bomber) detonated an IED at a housing complex in Dematagoda. This was after a Police Special Task Force team arrived. The blast killed Fathima, three STF personnel and her two sons. She was pregnant at the time of the incident.
Five days later, on April 26, 2019, during early night, the Army raided a house in Sainthamaruthu together with the Police. This was identified as a safe house of “ISIS in Sri Lanka.” One of the occupants detonated an IED killing six men, three women, and six children. Immediately after troops made their presence known, there was a shootout. Among those killed were Zahran’s father Mohamed Hashim, his brothers Zainee and Rilwan Cassim.
The IEDs used in the Easter attacks, the FBI probe revealed, consisted of nitrate-based explosive materials, an electrical fusing system and a metal container concealed within a cloth backpack. They recovered nine-volt batteries and distinct green and white electrical wires from Panadura and Dematagoda safe houses that were consistent with the wire remnants found at Cinnamon Grand Hotel, St Anthony’s church, and the Hotel Kingsbury sites. Similarly, the FB I and Sri Lankan authorities recovered rolls of black electrical tape at the Panadura and Sainthamaruthu safe houses “that were consistent with electrical tape fragments recovered from Hotel Shangri La and Cinnamon Grand blast sites.”🔺
