Water crisis in Nuwara Eliya

 Water crisis in Nuwara Eliya due to unchecked contamination activities

14 November 2025 Daily Mirror

Despite much concerns regarding the drinking water available the Peradeniya Water Supply and Drainage Board has guaranteed that Nuwara Eliya’s drinking water doesn’t contain heavy metals or E. coli. The picture shows the picturesque Lake Gregory

There were plans during the previous regime to construct a tank on a 15-acre plot of land below the Lover’s Leap waterfall to supply drinking water to Nuwara Eliya. However, the project was halted for political reasons

“The Peradeniya Water Supply and Drainage Board has guaranteed that Nuwara Eliya’s drinking water does not contain heavy metals or E. coli. The Water Supply Board conducts monthly water tests and daily chlorination. If the mayor has stated that the drinking water contains E. coli and heavy metals, you should ask him about it”

Kithsiri Herath, Public Health Inspector of Nuwara Eliya 

Municipal Council

• Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council is primarily responsible for ensuring safety regarding food, drinking water, and accommodation 
• Despite the presence of water sources in the city, they aren’t sufficient to meet the basic needs of the population
• Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council confirms that to date no organization has issued a certificate guaranteeing the quality of drinking water
• Drinking water needs of some areas of the Nuwara Eliya Municipality are met through water from Lover’s Leap falls which is generally safe 

By Prageeth Sampath Karunathilaka and Sudharika Gurusinghe 

Nuwara Eliya holds a special place as a tourist destination. Two of the main attractions are the extremely cold climate and the picturesque Gregory Lake. Both local and foreign visitors flock to this town during the festive season to absorb the atmosphere. Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council is primarily responsible for ensuring the town’s safety and ensuring that the food, drinking water, and accommodation of tourists meet the required standards.

Around 8,000 families reside within the Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council area, with tourism being their main source of income. Much of the tourist activity occurs during December, January, and the Sinhala New Year, while during other seasons the town sees a surge of visitors only during long weekends. Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council demonstrates unwavering commitment to the comfort and services provided to those visiting the city.

However, there is an issue behind this commitment. The authorities here are not giving sufficient attention to problems that have crop up related to water in Nuwara Eliya. Despite the city’s cold climate and the presence of water sources, they are not sufficient to meet the basic water needs of the population.

Situated at a high altitude (approximately 1,868 metres), Nuwara Eliya has an average annual temperature of 16 degrees Celsius. During the winter months (January to March), nights can become extremely cold, and on some mornings, flowers with frost on them are visible. On such days, the minimum temperature can drop below 4 degrees Celsius. During this time, when the sun is directly overhead, temperatures rise, and it can feel extremely warm, with readings sometimes exceeding 26 degrees Celsius. The first inter-monsoon period occurs in March and April, followed by the southwest monsoon from May to September. During these months, rain often falls day and night, accompanied by strong south-westerly winds, and wet weather can persist for extended periods.

The city usually experiences around 5–6 days of sunlight per month. The second inter-monsoon occurs during October and November, while the northeast monsoon is active from December to February. Rainfall during these periods is typically higher than in other seasons. Under such climatic conditions, a two-week period without rain can cause a drinking water shortage in the city. This is because the area falling within the parametres of the Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council cannot meet the daily demand of 5,000 cubic metres of water.

To address this problem, a project to construct nine tube wells was initiated with assistance from JICA. The existing water sources were insufficient not only for drinking purposes, but also for agriculture. As a result, a tube well project began around 2018. 

According to Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council reports prepared for 2018, as a result of constructing these tube wells, the water in toilets of nearby houses had dried up. This happened because the wells used the same water source. These 2018 test reports confirmed that Nuwara Eliya’s drinking water contained E. coli (mixed with fecal matter). An official from Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council also informed with this newspaper that there is no guarantee that these tube wells were constructed according to proper standards or quality certifications. A senior official from the company involved in the construction of the tube wells, confirmed that the tube well water is more brackish (slightly salty, as in river estuaries).  Furthermore, the official stated that the tube well water contains faecal matter and heavy metals.

The senior officer of Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council also confirmed that, to date, no organization has issued a recognised quality certificate for drinking water in the area. Currently, the drinking water provided to the residents of Nuwara Eliya is tested by the Peradeniya Water Supply and Drainage Board once a month, and water is supplied accordingly. In addition to tube well water, the drinking water needs of some areas of the Nuwara Eliya Municipality are met by water obtained from Lover’s Leap falls. This water is generally safe. However, the senior officer confirmed that the water supplied from the tube wells contains faecal matter and heavy metals.

Hotel operators look for alternatives 

Because the water in the area is contaminated with fecal matter and heavy metals, many hotel operators have sought an alternative, which is digging wells on their premises for the purposes of obtaining water. The most serious concern is that these wells are often located very close to toilet pits. Investigations done by this newspaper revealed that in many instances, there is less than a 50-foot distance between the toilet pits and the wells. It was also reported that the Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council does not conduct inspections of these sites. The senior officer confirmed that the water supplied to both tourists and residents—whether through tube wells or hotel wells—contains heavy metals and faecal matter.

The presence of heavy metals in Nuwara Eliya’s water sources is largely due to the use of pesticides in agriculture. Such details for mentioned in the Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council reports prepared for 2018. As a result of using pesticides for cultivation without proper assessment and in an uncontrolled manner, heavy metals have entered the water sources. The chemicals have mixed with the water. As a result, residents of Nuwara Eliya are currently facing an acute water crisis. Despite knowing that this water contains heavy metals and faecal matter, no authorities have taken steps to address the situation. The senior officer said that they are aware of the crisis, yet they have let people continue to consume water contaminated with faecal matter.

Some form of a solution to Nuwara Eliya’s drinking water problem was proposed in 2003 through the Lover’s Leap drinking water scheme, initiated by former Mayor Mahinda Dodampe Gamage. In 1994, the CISIR had confirmed that the water from this waterfall is of high quality, and it has also received certification from the World Health Organization. Had this project been implemented, both tourists and residents could have accessed clean, high-quality water free from heavy metals and fecal matter. Former Mayor Gamage had planned to construct a tank on a 15-acre plot of land below the Lover’s Leap waterfall to supply drinking water to Nuwara Eliya. In 2012, an inspection of this water source was conducted, and in 2016, the Irrigation Department carried out a preliminary feasibility study. However, the project was halted for political reasons, leaving residents to continue using water contaminated with heavy metals and faecal matter. 

Another project to supply water from Ambewela was also launched, but discontinued midway. Recently, it was decided at the Nuwara Eliya District Coordinating Committee meeting to hand over control of the Municipal Council’s water sources to the Water Supply and Drainage Board to find a solution to the water problem. 

 Currently, the unit price for water supplied to the people of Nuwara Eliya ranges between three and five rupees. After the water supply is handed over to the Water Supply and Drainage Board, the unit price will range between 60 and 65 rupees. This represents an increase of around 1,500 to 1,600 percent on water bills. For people who previously struggled to pay bills of three to five rupees per unit, this will be an additional burden. 

Commenting on the situation, Susantha Palihavadana, a UNP member of Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council, noted that a water testing laboratory established under the United Nations Fund operates within the Municipal Council premises. This laboratory conducts daily water testing, and E. coli and heavy metal levels are controlled by adding chlorine and other necessary chemicals. He assured that only clean water from Lover’s Leap Falls is supplied for consumption, and water, contaminated with faecal matter, is never provided for usage. 

“In 2018, tests confirmed that the drinking water contained E. coli, but that issue has since been resolved. The tube well project, implemented with support from JICA, has also been highly successful, and no reports have indicated any problems with the wells. While water in Nuwara Eliya does contain heavy metals, it can be purified through chlorination. We have not received any information about wells and toilets located close to each other in hotels, and currently, there are no reported issues with the drinking water supplied in Nuwara Eliya,” he added.

When inquired, Kithsiri Herath, Public Health Inspector of Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council, stated that the Municipal Council Water Supply Officer, Ajith, was nearby and could be consulted for any questions. He said the following: “The Peradeniya Water Supply and Drainage Board has guaranteed that Nuwara Eliya’s drinking water does not contain heavy metals or E. coli. The Water Supply Board conducts monthly water tests and daily chlorination. If the mayor has stated that the drinking water contains E. coli and heavy metals, you should ask him about it. Anyone can make claims, but there is no problem with Nuwara Eliya’s water. Nuwara Eliya General Hospital receives water from us. The hospital also has to pay us a substantial outstanding bill. How can you claim that E. coli is present in tube well water”. He ended the call when asked to explain how chlorine eliminates E. coli and heavy metals. 

When this scribe raised the question again with the Public Health Inspector, he said he was unable to provide an answer and advised this newspaper to contact the Mayor. 

When asked whether water containing heavy metals and fecal matter would continue to be allowed for public consumption, and whether there is an alternative solution, Nuwara Eliya Municipal Council Mayor Upali Wanigasekara stated: “We cannot guarantee that the drinking water in Nuwara Eliya is completely clean. A project to address this issue is currently underway, but it has not been effective so far. We have established a water testing laboratory with Korean aid, where anyone can come and obtain a certificate for the water they use. I have been in office for four months. It is said that Nuwara Eliya’s drinking water contains heavy metals. Even I use spring water. Until now, the water in Nuwara Eliya was treated in the traditional way, using only chlorine for purification. Water consumption has increased with population growth, but the municipality did not have a laboratory to test water for a long time. The District Development Committee decided to supply drinking water to Nuwara Eliya from Ambewela, which is a large-scale project. However, a proper plan hasn’t been implemented yet. The existing water pipes date back to the British colonial period, and the entire water system needs to be completely restructured,” he added.

When asked whether the consumption of contaminated water has affected the residents of Nuwara Eliya, the Director of Nuwara Eliya General Hospital Mahendra Seneviratne stated: “There is a problem with drinking water in Nuwara Eliya. We have built a water purification system for the hospital to provide patients with clean water. Patients visit the hospital for treatment of dysentery, vomiting, and diarrhoea. People from areas such as Welimada and Bandarawela also come here for treatment. Therefore, we cannot say that these illnesses are solely caused by the water problem; a proper study would be needed to determine that.”

Several attempts were made to obtain a response from the Peradeniya Water Supply and Drainage Board, but no reply was received. Thus, the right of reply on this matter remains open to the Board.

Our research indicated that E. coli and heavy metals are not completely eliminated by chlorination alone. This raises serious concerns about how authorities can claim that chlorination removes all heavy metals and faecal matter from the water consumed by Nuwara Eliya residents. This issue poses a potential violation of the basic rights of approximately 8,000 families, and it requires immediate attention from the relevant authorities.

Sri Lanka braces for EL Nino impact by May

Sri Lanka braces for EL Nino impact by May

27 Mar 2026 Daily Mirror

• It could prevent the Southwest Monsoon if it becomes active by May
• The island is not likely to experience very heavy rains until October this year
• There however may be few thundershowers around mid-April
• The El Nino Phenomenon could also prolong the dry spell
• Severe dry spells expected
• The heat index, which computes the temperature felt on the human body is likely to increase up to ‘Caution level’

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By Yohan Perera

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Sri Lanka is expected to face the EL Nino phenomenon by May this year where a dry spell could occur resulting in severe heat, a climatologist warned yesterday.  Climatologist Malith Fernando told the Daily Mirror that Sri Lanka could face the phenomenon by early May this year. “El Nino is actually an index which is to do with heat. Sri Lanka will experience the phenomenon by May if the index exceeds .5 “ he said.   

“It could prevent the Southwest Monsoon if it becomes active by May” he added.   
However he said Sri Lanka could experience showers in mid April. 

El Niño is a natural climate pattern characterized by the unusual warming of surface waters in the eastern equatorial Pacific Ocean, weakening trade winds and shifting global weather. Occurring every 3 to 5 years, this warm phase of the ENSO cycle often triggers hotter, drier conditions in Australia and Southeast Asia, while causing heavy rainfall and flooding in parts of the Americas. 

Sri Lanka is currently experiencing a dry spell as formation of clouds are less, according to Director General Department of Meteorology Athula Karunanayake who said the island is not likely to experience very heavy rains until October this year. 

 Mr. Karunanayake recently forecasted that El Nino Phenomenon could also prolong the dry spell.  

However, there may be few thundershowers around mid-April as it is the usual case every year. These rains are not expected to be heavy according to the Department of Meteorology.  
Meanwhile, the Department said the heat index, which computes the temperature felt on the human body is likely to increase up to ‘Caution level’ at some places in the Western, Sabaragamuwa, Southern, North-western, Northern and North Central provinces and in the Moneragala District.

Iran Update Special Report, March 26, 2026 - ISW

Iran Update Special                        Report, March 26, 2026                 

March 26, 2026

The Institute for the Study of War (ISW)

Key Takeaways

1. The combined force conducted strikes around Mashhad, Khorasan Razavi Province, on March 25 and 26, marking the northeastern-most strikes conducted so far in the war. The combined force has slowly swept across Iran west to east and is now getting to some of the furthest targets of the campaign.
2. The IDF has continued targeting senior Iranian commanders to disrupt Iranian command and control and operations broadly. The IDF announced on March 26 that it killed Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) Navy Commander Rear Admiral Alireza Tangsiri in Bandar Abbas, Hormozgan Province.
3. An IRGC cultural official told state media that the IRGC has lowered the minimum recruitment age to 12. This decision follows reports that the IRGC is facing difficulties with recruiting new personnel and managing broader operational disruptions.
4. Hezbollah continues to claim a high rate of attacks against Israeli targets in northern Israel and southern Lebanon. Hezbollah claimed to conduct 73 attacks targeting Israeli forces in northern Israel and southern Lebanon, as well as northern Israeli towns, between 2:00 PM ET on March 25 and 2:00 PM ET on March 26.

Toplines

The combined force conducted strikes around Mashhad, Khorasan Razavi Province, on March 25 and 26, marking the northeastern-most strikes conducted so far in the war. The combined force has slowly swept across Iran west to east and is now getting to some of the furthest targets of the campaign. An Iranian OSINT account and anti-regime media footage of strikes near Mashhad International Airport on March 25.[1] The 14th Artesh Air Force Tactical Airbase and 5th Artesh Ground Forces Aviation Base are co-located at the Mashhad International Airport.[2] The IDF previously struck an Iranian refueling aircraft at Mashhad International Airport during the 12-Day War.[3] Anti-regime media also posted footage of smoke plumes rising in Mashhad, suggesting that the combined force may have struck additional targets in the area.[4] Mashhad is the second most-populated city in Iran.[5]

The combined force likely struck additional targets in Khorasan Razavi Province on March 25 and 26.[6] Two OSINT accounts published footage of likely combined force strikes around Neyshabour Industrial Town, Khorasan Razavi Province.[7] An Iranian OSINT account published footage on March 25 purportedly showing Iranian air defenses engaging unknown targets, presumably combined force aircraft, over Taybad, Khorasan Razavi Province.[8]

US Central Command (CENTCOM) Commander Admiral Brad Cooper said on March 25 that the combined force has struck over 10,000 sites across Iran since the war began.[9] The combined force has concentrated strikes around Tehran as well as western and central Iran.[10]

The IDF has continued targeting senior Iranian commanders to disrupt Iranian command and control and operations broadly. The IDF announced on March 26 that it killed Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) Navy Commander Rear Admiral Alireza Tangsiri in Bandar Abbas, Hormozgan Province.[11] Tangsiri had served as IRGC Navy commander since August 2018.[12] Tangsiri previously served as IRGC Navy deputy commander from 2010 to 2018 and the Bandar Abbas-based IRGC 1st Saheb ol Zaman Naval District commander.[13] The Saheb ol Zaman Naval District has the central mission of controlling the Strait of Hormuz.[14] Its area of operations includes the IRGC Navy headquarters and command center as well as the 2nd Imam Sajjad Special Forces Brigade, the 16th Assef Coastal Missile Group, the 112th Zolfaghar Surface Combat Brigade, and underground fortifications on Abu Musa.[15] The IDF also killed IRGC Navy Intelligence Deputy Behnam Rezaei in Bandar Abbas, Hormozgan Province.[16] Rezaei reportedly was responsible for regional intelligence collection and coordination.[17] Tangsiri oversaw IRGC Navy operations, including attacks on international shipping and threats to US forces in the region.[18] The United States sanctioned Tangsiri in June 2019 for acting on behalf of the IRGC and his role in threatening to close the Strait of Hormuz and overseeing IRGC Navy activities responsible for the sabotage of vessels in international waters.[19]

The IRGC has reportedly continued to consolidate power within the Iranian regime and play an increasingly central role in key leadership decisions. Anti-regime media reported on March 26 that the IRGC pressured Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian to appoint Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr as the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC) secretary, citing unspecified sources.[20] Zolghadr is a hardline figure with deep ties to Iranian military and judicial establishments.[21] The sources said that IRGC Commander Brigadier General Ahmad Vahidi was among the IRGC officers who pressured  Pezeshkian.[22] The sources also said that there are no clear signs that Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei influenced the decision to appoint Zolghadr, raising continued questions about how involved Mojtaba is in key decisions.[23] The sources added that Pezeshkian and other senior officials opposed Zolghadr’s appointment.[24] The reported IRGC role in Zolghadr’s appointment comes after a small group of IRGC officer intervened aggressively in the supreme leader succession process to ensure that Mojtaba replaced his father.[25] Statements from US and Israeli security officials indicate that this group of IRGC officers have gained significant influence since Mojtaba became supreme leader.[26]

An IRGC cultural official told state media that the IRGC has lowered the minimum recruitment age to 12.[27] This decision follows reports that the IRGC is facing difficulties with recruiting new personnel and managing broader operational disruptions. The official said that the IRGC is recruiting individuals to support patrols, checkpoints, and logistics.[28] Unspecified informed sources told anti-regime media on March 12 that IRGC efforts to mobilize reserve forces failed because many individuals did not report to military centers.[29] CTP-ISW assessed on March 19 that Israeli strikes on Iranian internal security forces, including decapitation strikes, have likely caused shock and confusion within the internal security apparatus and disrupted operations to some extent.[30]

Reuters reported on March 26 that Iranian hardliners have intensified calls to develop a nuclear weapon, citing unspecified sources in Iran.[31] Some hardliners have urged Iranian leadership to revise the nuclear doctrine, meaning pursue a nuclear weapon, to restore deterrence since October 2024. Iranian parliamentarians signed separate letters in October 2024—after the April and October Iranian missile attacks on Israel—and in September 2025—after the June 2025 Israel-Iran war—urging a revision of Iranian defensive doctrine.[32] They called on the SNSC to authorize and support nuclear weapons production.

IRGC-affiliated Tasnim News Agency published an op-ed on March 26 that urged Iran to withdraw from the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).[33] The Tasnim op-ed emphasized that Iran is committed to a peaceful nuclear program, however.[34] Iranian officials have threatened to withdraw from the NPT previously to deter Western action against Iran.[35]

Iranian state media reported that Iran officially sent its response rejecting the 15-point US proposal and is awaiting the US response.[36] The United States presented the proposal to Iran via Pakistan on March 24.[37] The proposal reportedly includes provisions requiring Iran to dismantle its nuclear program, end uranium enrichment, hand over its enriched uranium stockpile, grant full International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) access to Iranian nuclear facilities, limit its missile capabilities, cease support for the Axis of Resistance, and ensure freedom of navigation through the Strait of Hormuz.[38] The informed source added that Iran’s response reiterated its demands for a ceasefire which include the complete cessation of US and Israeli attacks, the establishment of a mechanism to prevent renewed conflict, compensation for wartime damages, an end to attacks on the Axis of Resistance, and international recognition of Iran’s “sovereignty” over the Strait of Hormuz.[39] A senior Iranian official speaking to Reuters confirmed that unspecified senior Iranian officials and a representative of Iranian Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei reviewed the US proposal.[40] The senior Iranian official added that the proposal asks Iran to forgo its ability to defend itself in turn for a promise to lift sanctions.[41] The official reiterated that the United States and Iran have not arranged negotiations and that negotiations do not seem realistic at this stage of the conflict.[42]

NOTE: A version of the following text will also appear in the Institute for the Study of War’s March 26 Russian Offensive Campaign Assessment:

Russia continues to expand its military cooperation with Iran to facilitate Iranian strikes on US and Israeli forces in the Middle East. The Financial Times (FT) reported on March 25, citing Western intelligence reports, that Russia is close to completing a phased shipment of unspecified drones, medicine, and food to Iran.[43] Two officials briefed on the intelligence told FT that Russia and Iran began discussing drone delivering soon after the US-Israeli campaign began and that subsequent deliveries processing started in early March. The officials stated that they expect Russia to complete the deliveries by the end of March. A Western security official told FT that the specific drone type that Russia agreed to send to Iran is unclear, but that Russia is likely only in a position to deliver models such as the Geran-2. Current and former Western officials told FT that Russia denied Iran’s request for S-400 air defense systems.  Russia has reportedly already been providing Iran with modified Shahed drone components and satellite imagery to assist recent Iranian strikes on US forces in the Middle East and US allies in the region.[44] ISW continues to assess that Russia sees aiding Iran’s strike campaign as an effort to weaken the United States, as Russia has self-defined the United States as one of its primary geopolitical adversaries.[45]

US and Israeli Air Campaign

The combined force has continued to strike Iranian missile forces and launchers as well as missile storage and production facilities. The IDF conducted multiple waves of airstrikes on March 26, using over 60 fighter jets and over 150 munitions against weapons production infrastructure across Tehran Province and central Iran.[46] The IDF struck key facilities at the Parchin military complex, including sites used to produce air defense systems, cast and fill explosive warheads, produce ballistic missile engines, and manufacture critical components for solid-fuel ballistic missiles.[47] CENTCOM Commander Admiral Brad Cooper said on March 25 that the combined force has destroyed over two-thirds of Iran’s missile, drone, and naval production facilities.[48]

The combined force has intensified its strikes targeting the Iranian defense industrial base amid a report that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ordered the IDF to destroy as much of Iran’s arms industry as possible.[49] The New York Times reported on March 25 that Netanyahu ordered the IDF to maximize its destruction of Iran’s arms industry over the next 48 hours, citing two senior Israeli officials.[50] The IDF reported that it struck an IRGC Quds Force weapons production site and a ”major” defense industry site in Esfahan Province as well as other weapons production facilities used to supply Iran and its partners, including Hezbollah and the Houthis.[51] CENTCOM Commander Admiral Brad Cooper reported on March 25 that the combined force struck the Esfahan Province Mobarakeh munitions plant.[52] Cooper said that the combined force strikes on Iranian “large-scale manufacturing capacities” has removed Iran’s ability to build naval vessels, ballistic missiles, and one-way attack drones and share these weapon systems with regional and global ”bad actors.”[53]

The combined force has continued to degrade Iranian air and air defense capabilities in order to maintain air dominance in Iran. The combined force likely struck the 7th Artesh Air Force Tactical Airbase in Shiraz, Fars Province.[54] An Iranian OSINT account published footage and reported smoke rising from multiple explosions near Shiraz International Airport, Fars Province, on March 25.[55] The 7th Artesh Air Force Tactical Airbase is located at the Shiraz International Airport.[56] The combined force has struck the airbase at least five times since the start of the conflict.[57]

The combined force continued to strike Iranian repressive institutions as part of the broader combined effort to degrade the regime’s coercive capacity. The combined force reportedly hit the IRGC Ground Forces Ansar ol Hossein Provincial Unit in Hamedan City, Hamedan Province.[58] The IRGC Ground Forces plays a significant role in countering internal threats, including by violently suppressing protest activity.[59] The provincial units oversee IRGC ground elements that are largely dispersed across population centers.[60] The combined force previously struck Law Enforcement Command (LEC) sites in Hamedan City.[61] The LEC is Iran’s national police force and the regime’s first line of defense during civil unrest.[62] The IDF struck an IRGC headquarters around Bonab, East Azerbaijan Province.[63] The combined force previously struck an LEC building in Bonab.[64]

Satellite imagery from March 15 shows that the combined force has inflicted significant damage to Iranian naval and air infrastructure at the IRGC 4th Sarallah Naval District in Bushehr Province as part of efforts to degrade the Iranian ability to threaten international shipping.[65] The 4th Sarallah Naval District is responsible for controlling the central Persian Gulf, including the South Pars gas field, and is commanded by Commander Mansour Ravankar, who has held the position since 2016.[66] An American OSINT analyst published satellite imagery along with a battle damage assessment of what the combined force targeted on March 26.[67] The strikes likely occurred on or immediately before March 15, given that rising smoke is visible at the naval base.[68] Imagery shows that the combined force struck a hangar adjacent to the naval base’s airstrip on the northwest side of the base but did not strike nearby support buildings.[69] The analyst observed that the combined force struck support buildings and storage facilities, which likely degraded the base’s logistics network.[70] The imagery shows strikes destroyed six support buildings adjacent to the base’s pier.[71] Imagery also shows that the combined force targeted the base’s pier, multiple docked vessels, and six nearby support or storage buildings.[72] The analyst assessed that combined force strikes damaged or destroyed most of the base’s administrative and support buildings.[73] The cumulative damage to logistics, support, administrative, and operations assets has likely severely disrupted operations at the 4th Sarallah Naval District.

Iran is reportedly reinforcing defenses at Kharg Island.[74] Unspecified sources familiar with US intelligence reports told CNN on March 26 that Iran has reinforced Kharg Island with man-portable air-defense systems (MANPADS) in recent weeks.[75] Iran primarily operates domestically produced Misagh MANPAD, a variant of the Chinese QW-2 Vanguard missile system.[76] Iran recently signed an arms deal with Russia in December 2025 to acquire 500 Russian Verba MANPADS, but it is unclear if Russia delivered any before the start of the war.[77] The source added that Iran has also laid anti-personnel and anti-armor mines around the island, including on the shoreline.[78]

Iranian Response

Iran has launched eight waves of missiles targeting Israel since ISW-CTP’s last data cutoff.[79] An Israeli military correspondent reported on March 26 than an Iranian cluster munition impacted in Tel Aviv, injuring two people.[80]   

Iran continued to fire at Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Kuwait, and the United Arab Emirates on March 26. Iran launched 37 drones at Saudi Arabia between 2:00 PM on March 25 and 2:00 PM on March 26.[81] Iran launched 19 drones and one missile at Bahrain.[82] Iran launched one drone and six ballistic missiles at Kuwait.[83] The Kuwaiti Army reported that the six missiles landed in open areas.[84] The Emirati Defense Ministry stated that it intercepted 11 Iranian drones and 15 missiles.[85]

Israeli Campaign Against Hezbollah and Hezbollah Response 

Hezbollah continues to claim a high rate of attacks against Israeli targets in northern Israel and southern Lebanon. Hezbollah claimed to conduct 73 attacks targeting Israeli forces in northern Israel and southern Lebanon, as well as northern Israeli towns, between 2:00 PM ET on March 25 and 2:00 PM ET on March 26.[86] Hezbollah has fired an average of about 150 rockets per day since joining the war on March 1, according to the IDF.[87] The IDF said that about two-thirds of the daily rocket fire has been directed at Israeli forces in southern Lebanon and along the border.[88] Hezbollah has directed one-third of its fire targeting northern and central Israel.[89] Hezbollah has claimed to conduct 35 attacks targeting Israeli military and civilian targets in northern and central Israel since CTP-ISW’s last data cut off.[90] Hezbollah rocket fire killed an Israeli man in Nahariya on March 26.[91]

The IDF killed a senior Hezbollah anti-tank unit commander in southern Lebanon on March 25, likely as part of the IDF effort to reduce the threat that Hezbollah anti-tank guided missiles pose to northern Israel.[92] The commander has reportedly directed anti-tank guided missile attacks targeting Israeli towns for the past two years.[93] Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said on March 25 that the IDF is expanding operations in southern Lebanon in order to remove the ”anti-tank missile threat” to Israeli communities.[94]

Hezbollah has continued to defend against Israeli advances in southern Lebanon. Israeli forces reportedly attempted on March 25 and 26 to advance from Taybeh toward two Lebanese towns: southwest toward Qantara and northwest toward Deir Seryan.[95] Qantara is located about seven kilometers west from the Lebanon-Israel border. Hezbollah claimed that its fighters engaged Israeli forces and armor advancing from Taybeh towards Qantara with rockets, anti-tank guided missiles, rocket-propelled grenades, and small arms.[96] Hezbollah also said that fighters engaged Israeli forces in Deir Seryan with anti-tank missiles and rocket-propelled grenades.[97]

Hezbollah also claimed to engage Israeli forces in Marwahin and Debl, in southeastern Lebanon, and in Qouzeh, in southwestern Lebanon.[98] Hezbollah attacks inflicted at least three IDF casualties on March 25 and 26.[99]

The IDF is preparing to deploy the 98th Paratrooper Division (Res.) to southern Lebanon, according to an Israeli military correspondent.[100] The 98th Division will be the sixth division that the IDF has deployed in southern Lebanon as part of efforts to create a ”new security zone.”[101] Brigades of the 98th Division last operated in southern Lebanon in Fall 2024.[102]

Iran reportedly seeks to include Hezbollah in any ceasefire agreement with the United States and Israel. Six unspecified regional sources “familiar with Iran’s position” told Reuters on March 25 that Iran has told mediators that any ceasefire agreement with the United States and Israel must also end Israeli operations in Lebanon.[103] One regional source said that Iran had given Hezbollah ”guarantees” that it would include Hezbollah in any agreement to end the war.[104] Israeli officials have expressed that they expect Israeli operations in southern Lebanon to extend beyond the conclusion of the war in Iran .[105]

The IDF continued to strike Hezbollah targets across southern Lebanon and in Beirut on March 26.[106] Lebanese state media reported that IDF strikes killed at least five people.[107]

Security Council Adopts Resolution 2817 (2026)

 

10119th Meeting (PM)

SC/16315

11 March 2026

Security Council Adopts Resolution 2817 (2026) Condemning Iran’s ‘Egregious Attacks’ against Neighbours as Middle East Violence Rapidly Escalates

The Security Council today adopted a resolution condemning Iran’s “egregious attacks” against its regional neighbours amid rapidly spiraling violence in the Middle East, while rejecting a second draft tabled by the Russian Federation.

The 15-member Council adopted resolution 2817 (2026) (to be issued as S/RES/2817(2026)) by a vote of 13 in favour to none against, with 2 abstentions (China, Russian Federation).  It comes as the war, which began with Israeli and United States airstrikes against Iran on 28 February, nears its two-week mark and has spread to nearly a dozen nations across the already fragile Middle East region.

By the terms of the resolution, the Council condemned “in the strongest terms” Iran’s attacks against Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Jordan and reiterated its strong support for those countries’ sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence. 

It specifically condemned Iran’s attacks against residential areas and civilian objects — demanding their immediate cessation — while also demanding that Tehran halt its threats, provocations and actions aimed at interfering with maritime trade, as well as support to proxy groups across the region.

“The message is clear”, said Bahrain’s representative, welcoming the Council’s adoption and the text’s sweeping global support.  “The international community is resolute in rejecting these Iranian unjust, hostile acts that are targeting sovereign countries and that threaten the stability of their peoples.”  

High Number of Co-Sponsors of Text Reflects World’s ‘Collective Conscience’ 

Noting that nearly 140 Member States co-sponsored the resolution, he said that high number reflects the world’s “collective conscience”.  The Gulf region is a pillar of global security, trade and economic stability, he added, emphasizing that protecting the Middle East is therefore in the entire world’s interest.

“At this crucial moment, it is imperative to listen to the voices of the region,” said Denmark’s representative, condemning Iran’s attacks and demanding that they cease immediately.  She pointed to the large number of delegations, across the Council and the wider UN membership, supporting the text.  “Every day passing, we are witnessing a further destabilization of the already volatile and tense situation,” she said, echoing calls for maximum restraint, protection of civilians and respect for international law.

“This war, which poses grave risks to regional security, must end now,” said France’s representative.  “Only respect for international law and diplomacy can ensure the lasting security and stability of the region.”  Stressing that Tehran has vastly expanded the war in recent days, he declared:  “Iran bears a heavy responsibility for the current escalation.”  He added that France has long been concerned by Iran’s nuclear threats and its support for regional proxies.

“Iran shoots in all directions”, stressed the representative of the United States, Council President for March, explaining his vote in his national capacity.  Nations that previously had serious disagreements with each other have now joined together and spoken with one voice. Bahrain itself, a victim of these attacks, drafted and led the negotiations on the text, which was supported by a record number of co-sponsors. 

The representative of Liberia, also speaking for the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Somalia, said those countries voted in favour to reflect “our principled commitment to diplomacy, dialogue, de-escalation and respect for international law as the only viable path to peace and stability in the Middle East”.  He also stressed that the Council must not endorse interpretations of Article 51 that expand beyond the “core principles” contained in the UN Charter or that “risk eroding longstanding constraints on the use of force”.

The representatives of the United Kingdom, Greece, Panama, Latvia and Colombia also noted that they voted in favour of the resolution. 

Biased Text Doesn’t Give Full Picture; United States, Israel Must Cease Unauthorized Military Strikes Immediately

China’s representative, who abstained, pointed out that the United States and Israel launched military strikes without Council authorization and must cease their actions immediately.  While stressing that the sovereignty, security and territorial integrity of Gulf Arab States must be fully respected, he cautioned that the resolution just adopted “does not fully reflect the root cause and overall picture of the conflict in a balanced manner”.

The representative of Pakistan, who voted in favour of the text, said he would also support a second draft to be tabled by the Russian Federation.

“To our deep regret, the resolution that just passed is expressed […] in a biased and one-sided tone,” said Moscow’s representative, prior to introducing his country’s separate text.  Reading Bahrain’s resolution without context would lead one to believe that Tehran, with no provocation and out of pure malice, decided to strike targets across the region for no reason. 

He said the need to protect civilians is also presented in the resolution in an extremely one-sided way — as if Israel and the United States had not killed men, women and children in Iran and cynically murdered the country’s supreme leader.  “The Council’s adoption [of this text] could be interpreted by bad-faith actors, and first and foremost by those who started this war, to continue their acts of aggression against Iran,” he warned.

To those ends, he introduced a separate draft resolution, which he described as an “impartial document aimed at urgently de-escalating the situation”.  The text is simple, direct and unequivocal, and intentionally does not name any parties to the conflict, he said.

Second Draft Presented by Russian Federation Rejected, Draws Mixed Reactions

Voting a second time, the Council rejected Moscow’s draft resolution by a vote of 4 in favour (China, Pakistan, Russian Federation, Somalia) to 2 against (Latvia, United States), with 9 abstentions (Bahrain, Colombia, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Denmark, France, Greece, Liberia, Panama, United Kingdom). 

“We’re deeply disappointed,” said the Russian Federation’s delegate, taking the floor again.  Noting that many Council members’ positions are dictated purely by short-term political interests, bloc solidarity and “the fear that they might fall out of favour with their elder friends”, he added:  “This is not even double standards […] we are living through the looking glass.” 

China’s representative also expressed regret that Moscow’s draft resolution was not adopted, declaring:  “This is a war that should not have happened, and a war that benefits no one.”

While welcoming the Russian Federation’s desire to contribute to responding to events in the region, Bahrain’s representative said that his delegation abstained from the vote “because that draft resolution adopts a general tone, which in no way reflects the dangerous military escalation currently besetting the region”.

“This draft resolution says nothing about the overwhelming responsibility borne by Iran in the current escalation, including its indiscriminate and unjustified attacks against its regional neighbors who posed no threat,” said France’s delegate, who also abstained.  Despite its good intentions, the Russian text was not a viable basis for bringing the Council together and providing the response the circumstances demand, he said. 

The representative of the United States said that “the Russian Federation knew it did not have the votes to adopt its resolution today, yet it insisted on proceeding to a vote”. 

Latvia’s delegate, who voted against the Russian Federation’s proposed text, said it was tabled by a permanent member of the Council which has for years been using force against civilians and civilian infrastructure in a sovereign country.  “Iran is now attacking [its neighbours] with the same weapons”, she stressed, describing Moscow’s text as a deeply “cynical” one.

“It is impossible to overlook the hypocrisy of Russia presenting itself here as a guardian of international peace and security,” agreed the representative of the United Kingdom. 

Israel Welcomes Clear Condemnation of Iran’s Attacks, Iran Declares Manifest Injustice against His Country 

Also addressing the Council today were the representatives of Israel and Iran. 

The former, welcoming the Gulf States’ initiative to condemn Iran’s attacks, said the Council’s message is clear:  “Targeting civilians is wrong, targeting cities is wrong, and Iran must stop.”  Stressing that Iran used diplomacy as cover while it fortified its nuclear programme, he rejected Iran’s assertions that its nuclear programme is exclusively peaceful.  “That is simply not true,” he said.

“Today’s adoption is a serious setback to the Council’s credibility and leaves a lasting stain on its record,” said Tehran’s delegate. The very State responsible for the brutal war of aggression against his country — the United States — sits in the Chamber as Council President, abusing his position while obstructing every effort to bring an end to the barbaric war.  “Let me make it clear — this resolution is a manifest injustice against my country, the main victim of a clear act of aggression.” 

UNSC இந்தியா நிரந்தர உறுப்பினர்-பிரான்ஸ்

முல்லைத்தீவு,கொக்குத் தொடுவாயில் உப்பளம்!

 

Iran war: Govt. claims neutrality but seen drifting towards US-Israel-India axis

Iran war: Govt. claims neutrality but seen drifting towards US-Israel-India axis

Sunday Times 08-03-2026

• IRIS Dena’s goodwill request for a port call in Colombo was pending when hit and sunk
• More headaches for Govt., as US urges Lanka not to repatriate rescued Iranian sailors; vessel, meant for Trinco, now anchored near Colombo, raising security concerns
• Power crisis looms next month as low-grade coal reduces generation at Norochcholai plant; SJB to table no-confidence motion against energy minister

By our Political Desk

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake had the unenviable task of walking the diplomatic tightrope this week when Sri Lanka was unexpectedly thrust into the middle of the ongoing conflict engulfing West Asia, commonly referred to even here as ‘the Middle East’, and the Gulf States. Initially, it seemed that Sri Lanka had pulled off a diplomatic coup by playing peacemaker in the middle of warring parties by giving refuge to Iranian sailors from two ships, but unfolding events in the past 48 hours have given rise to questions if the country has been unwittingly drawn into a quagmire.

The news that a US submarine had sunk an Iranian warship off the southern coast of Sri Lanka became public on Wednesday, followed soon after by reports that the Sri Lankan Navy was engaged in rescuing the survivors of the Iranian warship IRIS Dena, 19 nautical miles off the country’s southern coast. The Sri Lanka Navy spokesman at first denied that the Iranian ship had been sunk by a US submarine and also refused to identify those aboard the vessel even though by then 32 sailors had been rescued from the vessel and brought to shore. However, at the same time or thereabouts, US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth confirmed that a torpedo fired from a US submarine had sunk the IRIS Dena, which he described, with his usual exaggeration, as a “prize ship”.

Iranian navy ship IRIS Bushehr escorted to safety in Sri Lanka’s territorial waters

The Iranian warship had participated in the International Fleet Review and the multilateral naval exercise MILAN 2026, organised by the Indian Navy in the port of Visakhapatnam from Feb. 15 to Feb. 25; had left India’s territorial waters before war broke out and entered into international waters but was within Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) when tragedy struck.

It was after reports emerged of another Iranian ship being anchored in close proximity to Sri Lanka and seeking assistance that President Dissanayake decided to publicly address the unfolding events on Friday night.

Here’s the timeline of events given by the President on Friday, March 6: On February 26, Iran requested permission from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for three naval vessels to enter the Colombo port on the 9th to 13th of March, within a four-day period on a “goodwill visit”.

The Sri Lankan authorities were processing the Iranian request when, on February 27, the Iranian personnel reached out to Lankan authorities requesting medical assistance for an injured sailor to be brought ashore along with an accompanying officer on humanitarian grounds. The Sri Lanka Navy and Air Force facilitated the removal of the sailor and the accompanying officer for medical treatment the same day.

On March 4, between 5:08 a.m. and 5:30 a.m., it was reported that a vessel had come under attack outside but close to Sri Lanka’s maritime zone, approximately 19 nautical miles from the Port of Galle, and that distress signals were picked up by the Sri Lanka Navy, which, along with the Air Force, carried out a rescue operation saving 32 sailors. Around 90 bodies were later recovered from where the ship had gone down. By the time the Sri Lankan sailors and airmen reached the site of the distress call, the ship had already sunk, and only the sailors who managed to stay afloat were saved.

The same day, March 4, there was a message from another Iranian vessel, IRIS Bushehr, relayed to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs requesting permission to enter the Colombo port on the same day or the following day, March 5. After exhausting discussions and in keeping with Sri Lanka’s obligations under international law, it was decided to bring the sailors on board the IRIS Bushehr to Colombo and dock the ship at Trincomalee. Subsequently, the sailors were moved to the Welisara Navy Camp, where they remain for now.

When the President addressed a select crowd of media personnel at the Presidential Secretariat on Thursday night, he was upbeat about Sri Lanka’s ability to remain neutral in the middle of an ongoing conflict and said the government had acted in a ‘manner that safeguards the reputation and dignity of our country, protects human lives and demonstrates our commitment to international conventions.”

On the face of it, it seemed ‘all’s well that ends well’ where the government is concerned, but unfolding developments in the 48 hours after the President spoke have shown that the government could be in a less than ideal situation and a pawn in a bigger power game in the Indian Ocean region.

Hours after President Dissanayake’s press briefing, the Indian Navy disclosed that India had allowed another Iranian vessel, IRIS Lavan, an amphibious warfare vessel, which was also in the region, to participate in an International Fleet Review, and it was docked at Kochi since March 4, the same day that the frigate IRIS Dena was sunk. According to Indian media reports, India was approached by Iran to take in IRIS Lavan on February 28. According to the timeline given by President Dissanayake, on February 26, Iran requested permission from the Sri Lankan Ministry of Foreign Affairs for three naval vessels to enter our port from March 9 to 13, within a four-day period. It’s likely – though not confirmed – that while Sri Lanka was deliberating the Iranian request, a similar request had gone out to India for one of the three ships, IRIS Lavan, to dock there, and subsequently permission was granted.

It is not yet clear if Iran had requested the Indian government to allow all three ships to dock there as they had done with Sri Lanka. The IRIS Dena was sunk while Sri Lanka was deliberating the Iranian request, and hence questions have been raised: if the government had acted more swiftly, could more lives have been saved? This is a question that opposition legislators raised in Parliament this week as well.

Technical issues in Iran ship

The government is also facing a problem in moving IRIS Bushehr to Tricomalele as was the initial plan due to technical issues that have arisen in the vessel. As of last afternoon, the IRIS Bushehr remained anchored in the waters outside the Colombo Port. This is despite the President stating on Friday that although the vessel was near the Port of Colombo, retaining such a vessel within the main commercial port carried the risk of adversely affecting the maritime shipping industry. For now, the plan to move the warship to Trincomalee remains stalled, adding to the government’s headaches.

On top of that is the exclusive report by the Reuters news agency published yesterday. Quoting from an internal US State Department cable, the report said the United States is pressing Sri Lanka’s government not to repatriate the survivors from the Iranian warship it sank this week, as well as the crew of a second Iranian ship that is in Sri Lankan custody.

According to an internal State Department cable dated March 6 seen by the news agency, Jayne Howell, the charge d’affaires at the US embassy in Colombo, had emphasised to Sri Lanka’s government that neither the Bushehr crew nor the 32 Dena survivors should be repatriated to Iran.

Foreign Affairs Minister Vijitha Herath, who was in India attending the Raisina Dialogue, India’s flagship conference on geopolitics and geo-economics, when asked if Sri Lanka would repatriate the Iranian sailors, answered that it would be done in keeping with the international laws that govern such situations, without elaborating.

The Sri Lankan government’s claim of neutrality is a claim that needs closer examination. Since taking office, the National People’s Power (NPP) has been swinging strongly towards the US and India. Last November, Sri Lanka’s Defence ministry signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) with the US, formalising a defence partnership between the two countries. Other than sketchy details released after the MOU was signed, its contents remain under wraps.

The first inkling that Sri Lanka may be falling deeper into the US sphere of dominance became evident when Admiral Steve Koehler, Commander of the US Pacific Fleet, visited Sri Lanka in October 2024, shortly after President Dissanayake was elected to office. He met with the President and other officials during the visit widely seen as an attempt to consolidate US military ties with Sri Lanka.

His second visit to Sri Lanka was days before the US-Israeli strikes on Iran. Admiral Koehle, who heads the largest naval fleet command in the world, was in Colombo from February 19 to 21, 2026, during which he engaged with Sri Lankan government officials and military counterparts, where advancing cooperation in maritime security and regional stability and enhancing collaboration and interoperability were on the agenda for discussion. The US Embassy in Colombo said after the visit that it was to highlight the ‘strategic importance’ the United States places on Sri Lanka’s role at the crossroads of global maritime routes and ‘underscores a shared long-term commitment to a free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific’. There has been speculation that the US Admiral was in Colombo to give a heads-up to the government on imminent Iran strikes, but Defence Ministry officials have denied any such prior knowledge.

Meanwhile, the first series of joint activities under the MOU between the US and Sri Lanka are planned for mid-2026, with a focus on disaster response, maritime domain awareness, and professional military education, but the ongoing conflict may lead to its delay.

Other than strong military ties with the US, the Dissanayake government also entered into a defence cooperation pact with India last year. It was signed during Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka last April. On Friday, Sri Lanka and India agreed to jointly address the evolving situation around the Indian Ocean. This was when Minister Herath met Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar on the sidelines of the Raisina Dialogue. The two agreed to strengthen bilateral cooperation and address the evolving security landscape in the Indian Ocean.

“Our position and neutrality dictate that we shall not, under any circumstances, permit our land territory, maritime zones, or airspace to be utilised in a biased manner by any nation engaged in a conflict, nor in any manner that inflicts harm upon another nation,” the President said on Friday. But talk of neutrality in a highly polarised world seems far-fetched and Utopian.

The optimistic expectation that a new Global South would rise like an albatross from the ashes of the Non-Aligned Movement, led by a new configuration of global leadership, is proving to be an illusion. The founding members of the movement—Gamal Abdul Nasser’s Egypt has submitted to the US dollar to bridge their budget; Tito’s Yugoslavia has been carved out into several independent states—all now behind the European Union; Soekarno’s Indonesia, Nkrumah’s Ghana and even Mrs Bandaranaike’s Sri Lanka are ‘sitting on the fence’. The eye-opener for South Asia is that Nehru’s once nonaligned India is now entirely with the US-Israel axis, with Prime Minister Modi visiting Israel and hugging his counterpart Benjamin Netanyahu, an alleged war criminal, hours before Israel waged war on Palestine. India’s capitulation – as in the US-India trade deal, for example, the limits of which were announced to all by the US representative at the ongoing Raisina Dialogue in Delhi – are proof of India’s current foreign policy. BRICS, the new Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa alliance, is to be chaired by India shortly but is yet to get its act together to challenge the overpowering might of the US, leaving the field wide open for unabated unilateral action by the trigger-happy ‘cowboys’ in Washington. India is the current chair of IORA (Indian Ocean Rim Association), and Iran is a member of IORA and got no help from the chair.

While Sri Lanka may be miles away from the theatre of war, its repercussions are being felt closer to home already. This week saw a snapshot of what would be a common sight in the weeks and months ahead. There was panic at fuel stations in parts of Sri Lanka as motorists, fearful that a long-drawn-out war could result in a shortage of fuel, rushed to fill up their tanks. The panic soon spread to all corners of the country. Long queues, some running well over 1km, had formed by the following morning, in scenes reminiscent of the dark days of the economic crisis.

Both the government and the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) put out statements insisting there was no fuel shortage and the country had enough stocks to last over a month. CPC Chairman Janaka Rajakaruna fronted the media on multiple occasions to stress the point, as did various government ministers. The CPC was even forced to distribute fuel to stations on Sunday – usually a day where such deliveries are not undertaken. The CPC chairman had earlier poured scorn on those waiting in long queues outside fuel stations, saying the CPC could not help it if people wanted to stand outside in the heat of the day in long queues for fuel when there was no fuel shortage. Citizens rarely take the government’s words and assurances kindly. As the queues continued, however, there was a rare Poya Day media briefing at the Department of Government Information on Monday (2), with both Mr Rajakaruna and Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa in attendance, underlining the fact that appeals made during the previous two days had little effect. When questioned by journalists, Minister Jayatissa said there was no immediate need to introduce a QR code system to ration fuel as seen during the economic crisis, though he did not rule out introducing the system at a future date should the need arise.

The fuel queues had eased by Tuesday, and the situation, despite the escalation of the conflict over the course of this week, has now returned to normal. President Dissanayake did not blame the public for the panic buying of fuel when he addressed Parliament on Tuesday to brief the House on what his government was doing to mitigate the impact of the widening conflict. “I understand that it is not unreasonable for our people to feel a degree of anxiety. There is no point in blaming any citizen. Our people endured a very bitter past, which still lingers in their minds. Only two or three years ago, they experienced the tragedy of fuel and gas shortages, spending weeks in queues and even losing lives while waiting in line. Therefore, our society becomes alarmed even by minor disturbances. This is understandable,” he said.

Other government sources blamed opposition parties and certain private television stations for instigating panic among the public of a fuel shortage due to the conflict in West Asia. They also pointed out that during his address to Parliament on Tuesday, President Dissanayake had outlined a host of projects his government has already undertaken to increase the country’s fuel storage capacity since coming to power. These measures include a new 86,000 metric tonne storage complex in Kolonnawa consisting of eight new tanks, a new 40,000 metric tonne storage complex at Muthurajawela and a new oil pipeline from Muthurajawela to Katunayake. The government is also renovating the Trincomalee Oil Tank Farm to further increase storage capacity, they pointed out. The President blamed past governments since Independence for doing nothing about maintaining buffer stocks, but Opposition MPs said all plans to do so were torpedoed by JVP agitation in the past.

Nevertheless, neither the President nor any member of his government has addressed the fact that the trust deficit that had been created between the public and previous governments who were in power during the economic crisis seems to have transferred to the NPP government as well. While organised disinformation campaigns often spread via social media may have played a part, there is no denying that the party most culpable for this trust deficit is the NPP government itself. Statements made by NPP politicians, both before and after coming to power, have contributed to this state of affairs. Whether they are claims boasting about being able to bring back stolen public funds hidden in Uganda or calling on those of other parties to come with desks and benches to take lessons on national security – the NPP is finding out the hard way that previous public comments can come back to bite them. So, when ministers say there is no threat to national security when suspects are gunned down inside courtrooms or lawyers are shot in close proximity to the nerve centre of the country’s defence establishment, or when they say cooking gas is readily available when it is not, is there any wonder that people look upon other statements made by government figures with scepticism?

Coal crisis: No-faith motion looms

While in instances such as tackling corruption, there are indications that the public, by and large, is supportive of the government’s efforts, there is no doubt that it is more than 18 months since Mr Dissanayake was elected president and more than a year since the NPP obtained a two-thirds parliamentary majority. The honeymoon period is well and truly over. The NPP saw signs of this during last May’s local council election, where it lost an alarming 2.3 million votes from the parliamentary polls held just seven months before. With an 11-member Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) appointed last month to examine the electoral system under which the provincial council elections should be conducted, there is little likelihood of the government putting its popularity, or lack thereof, to the test before the ballot box anytime soon by holding the long-delayed PC polls.

The government’s waning popularity may suffer even further if it fails to address the bungled coal tender that may have long-term negative effects on the country’s power sector. Operational information released by the Lakvijaya power plant has already revealed that a majority of South African coal shipments that have arrived—after being purchased under the latest tender via India’s Trident Chemphar Ltd—do not meet the minimum criteria for use in the plant. The government, however, has its hands somewhat tied given that both load port and discharge port reports from two separate accredited foreign laboratories still indicate that every coal consignment—except for the first one, for which a hefty penalty was charged—meets the minimum specifications of the tender.

Energy Ministry officials have admitted that there is a drop in performance at the Lakvijaya plant when using the South African coal, compared to the previous stock of Russian coal. A total of 25 South African coal shipments purchased under the tender from Trident Chemphar Ltd are due by the end of April, though it is now doubtful whether the company will be able to meet this deadline. About 11 shipments have arrived by this week. The Lanka Coal Company (Pvt) Ltd (LCC) has now enlisted another independent, accredited foreign laboratory called Bureau Veritas (BV) to test the coal at the load port, the Richards Bay Coal Terminal in South Africa. BV has been hired to test the 13th and 14th vessels bringing coal for Lakvijaya. It will also supervise loading and sample preparation, analyse the buyer’s sample, certify the cargo covering specific parameters, and issue two sets of documents. One official from LCC and one from the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) have flown to South Africa to inspect the coal stocks being loaded for Sri Lanka and to be on hand when BV tests the coal sample stocks.

LCC requires Gross Calorific Values (GCV)—which represents the heat released upon combustion—between 5,900 (reject value) and 6,150. Under the terms of the purchase agreement, the agreement can be cancelled only in the event of two shipments registering GCVs of reject value. Only the first shipment has failed both quality tests so far after registering a GCV value below 5,900.

The government has also consulted the Attorney General regarding what legal options it has at its disposal. The AG has advised officials to follow the agreement with Trident Chemphar. Energy Ministry sources said the AG had also advised the government to study the report compiled by a seven-member committee appointed to evaluate the current coal supply mechanism for the Lakvijaya coal power plant and to take legal action against the company based on its findings. The formation of this committee was announced only last week, and it is unclear when it will submit its report.

The developments come as a report by the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL) warned of a “potential capacity shortage risk” in April, June and July. Titled “Generator Performance and Financial Impact due to use of Coal supplied by Trident Chemphar Limited at Lakvijaya Power Station”, the report, which was tabled in Parliament this week, pointed out that there was a real risk of such a shortage given that Units 1 and 2 of the Lakvijaya Power Station (LVPS), as well as two other power plants, are scheduled to undergo maintenance at different points from April till July (See related story on Page 16).

Under the normal conditions, there is a potential capacity shortage risk in April, June and July if the demand reaches 3030MW, 3070MW and 3000MW, respectively, the report notes (the recorded maximum night peak demand in 2026 is 2949MW on 25th February). “Further, if one coal unit or one major power plant becomes unavailable out of the available units/plants, there is a high risk of a generation capacity shortage for catering to the night peak demand, especially in April, June and July.”

Moreover, if the generation capacity of LVPS needs to be further reduced to maintain a stable and safe operation level, the risk of generation capacity shortage is further increased, the report further stresses.

The report clearly indicates a potential power crisis by next month if the situation is not addressed. Only time will tell at this point if the government will be able to act decisively to prevent such an outcome.

The PUCSL’s report also calculates the estimated financial loss from the nine coal shipments received at the point the report was compiled at nearly Rs 8.5 billion. An Energy Ministry official however, said the ministry will wait until the report compiled by the expert committee it appointed is handed in to determine the extent of the financial loss.

The flood of bad news comes as embattled Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody, who is facing calls for his resignation, was indicted by the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) this week in the Colombo High Court over misappropriation of funds while he was serving at the Fertiliser Corporation in 2015.

The main opposition Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) is now preparing a No-Confidence Motion (NCM) against Minister Jayakody. SJB MP Ajith P. Perera says that the NCM against Minister Jayakody will be submitted on two counts – that he has been indicted by the CIABOC on corruption charges, making him ineligible to hold a ministerial portfolio, and that he mismanaged the 2025-26 coal tender, causing a loss of over Rs. 8 billion to the state. The SJB hopes to hand over the NCM against the Energy Minister to Speaker Jagath Wickramaratne next week. “We hope other opposition parties will also sign onto the NCM,” Mr Perera said.