UK has billions in contracts with firms tied to illegal Israeli settlements

Al Jazeera investigation reveals UK public money flowing to companies linked to Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank.

By Al Jazeera Staff

Published On 28 Aug 202628 Aug 2026

At least 17 companies linked to illegal Israeli settlements in the occupied West Bank hold United Kingdom public-sector contracts worth more than 2.1 billion pounds ($2.85bn), an Al Jazeera investigation reveals.

The findings come as more than 140 UK Labour MPs are calling on the government to ban trade with illegal Israeli settlements, a move Prime Minister Andy Burnham is considering.

Our analysis of procurement records, company filings and corporate disclosures found that businesses named by the United Nations over their involvement in illegal Israeli settlements – and companies those businesses ultimately own or control as subsidiaries – have secured contracts across the British public sector, including in areas such as road maintenance, transport, emergency services and driving licensing.

“Evidence is growing that the UK may be in breach of its international obligations … by continuing to contract with entities identified by the UN as providing assistance of this sort,” Stephen Humphreys, professor of international law at the London School of Economics, told Al Jazeera.

Data compiled by public procurement analysts Tussell, and shared with Al Jazeera, shows the 17 companies and entities hold 125 public-sector contracts with a combined award value of 2.129 billion pounds ($2.89bn).

Companies owned by Motorola Solutions, the United States technology and communications giant, account for more than 1.7 billion pounds ($2.3bn) of the total – the vast majority through its British subsidiary Airwave Solutions. Other contracts we reviewed are held by firms within four other corporate groups including Heidelberg Materials, a German multinational building materials company; the French engineering group Egis; the Spanish train manufacturer CAF and Chinese conglomerate Fosun.

A report by the United Nations Human Rights Office identifies the five corporate groups as involved in business activities related to illegal Israeli settlements.

Heidelberg Materials’ Israeli subsidiary owns a quarry on Palestinian land in the occupied West Bank, while Motorola is embedded in the security infrastructure of illegal settlements. Egis and CAF are involved in Jerusalem’s expanding light-rail network – a project activists say entrenches Israel’s control by integrating settlements into the city while further fragmenting Palestinian neighbourhoods.

Fosun International, whose subsidiary Breas Medical receives UK public money, also owns the controversial Israeli cosmetics manufacturer Ahava, which operates in the Mitzpe Shalem illegal settlement in the occupied West Bank. Civil rights groups, including the Palestinian Solidarity Campaign in the UK, decry Ahava as a firm that is “complicit” in the theft of Palestinian land and livelihoods.In July 2024, the International Court of Justice found Israel’s continued presence in the occupied Palestinian territory unlawful and said it must end “as rapidly as possible”. The court also placed obligations on other states “not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by Israel’s illegal presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”.

That raises questions over Britain’s continued commercial relationships with the companies identified in Al Jazeera’s investigation, observers said.

In July 2024, the International Court of Justice found Israel’s continued presence in the occupied Palestinian territory unlawful and said it must end “as rapidly as possible”. The court also placed obligations on other states “not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by Israel’s illegal presence in the Occupied Palestinian Territory”.

That raises questions over Britain’s continued commercial relationships with the companies identified in Al Jazeera’s investigation, observers said.

‘UK government is propping up apartheid’

Humphreys believes that Britain may also be failing to meet its legal obligations by “failing to launch its own investigation into their activities, with a view to preventing them if necessary”.

The UK has also warned businesses against bidding for construction tenders in illegal settlements.

“Businesses should not consider bidding for construction tenders,” a government statement issued this month said, warning of “legal and reputational consequences” and the risk of involvement in “serious breaches of international law”.

Former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn said Al Jazeera’s findings expose a contradiction between the UK’s stated position and its economic ties.

“Quite simply, the UK government is propping up apartheid,” Corbyn told Al Jazeera. “Every day, the UK deepens its complicity in Israel’s economy of occupation and, in turn, Israel’s economy of genocide.”

The Cabinet Office told Al Jazeera that individual public authorities make decisions to exclude suppliers case-by-case for each contract. It said public procurement in the UK should not be used to boycott suppliers linked to other countries unless formal UK sanctions, embargoes or restrictions are in place.

Here’s what we found about some of the companies involved in settlement trade:

Motorola Solutions: Tech embedded in illegal settlements

The UN identifies Motorola in connection with two settlement-related activities: the “supply of security services, equipment and materials to enterprises operating in settlements” and the “provision of services and utilities supporting the maintenance and existence of settlements, including transport”.

Al Jazeera contacted the Motorola Solutions group for comment but received no response.

It is the largest beneficiary of UK public money that we investigated.

Motorola’s subsidiaries are entrusted with providing communications equipment to the emergency services in the UK. The largest contract identified by Al Jazeera is held by Airwave Solutions, a Motorola subsidiary. The Home Office awarded Airwave an extension worth 1.562 billion pounds ($2.13bn) to provide the secure communications network used by police, fire and ambulance services across England, Scotland and Wales. Motorola Solutions UK separately holds contracts worth 123.9 million pounds ($170m), including a 36.5-million-pound ($49.8m) Ministry of Defence contract for Airwave radios, accessories and airtime.

Five companies now ultimately controlled by Motorola Solutions Inc – Airwave Solutions Ltd, Motorola Solutions UK Ltd, CRFS Ltd, 3TC Software Ltd and Noggin IT Ltd – hold 91 active UK public-sector contracts worth 1.726 billion pounds ($2.3bn), according to the latest Tussell data.

Motorola Solutions Inc and its Israeli subsidiary, Motorola Solutions Israel Ltd, were included when the UN Human Rights Office first published its database of businesses involved in specified settlement-related activities in 2020. Both remain in its latest version.

Official records provide a glimpse of how the company’s technology has been embedded in settlements.

Tenders from Mateh Binyamin Regional Council and the municipal corporation of Ariel, both illegal settlements, show Motorola command-and-control technology being used in security and surveillance infrastructure.

Motorola equipment has also been bought by the Israeli Civil Administration, the military body through which Israel administers civilian affairs in the occupied West Bank.

In 2005, the UN reported that Motorola supplied surveillance systems to settlements including Hebron, Karmei Tzur and Bracha.

Motorola’s relationship with the Israeli authorities continues today. An Israeli government procurement document obtained by Al Jazeera shows Motorola Solutions Israel was awarded a 25.5-million-shekel ($8.7m) contract in May 2026 to maintain approximately 19,000 police radios and provide encryption licences until April 2028.

2:29

Israeli forces install new roadblocks around besieged homes in Qusra

Heidelberg Materials: A controversial quarry on occupied land

The UN has listed Heidelberg Materials over the commercial use of natural resources in occupied Palestinian territory.

In Britain, five Heidelberg Materials companies hold 25 public-sector contracts worth 184.79 million pounds ($252m). Almost all of that – 179.03 million pounds ($244m) – is held by Hanson Quarry Products Europe Ltd. Its contracts include 60 million pounds ($81.9m) from Westmorland and Furness Council for road surfacing and highway works between 2024 and 2027, and a 50-million-pound ($68.3m) surfacing maintenance contract with Somerset Council.

Its Israeli subsidiary, Hanson Israel, owns the Nahal Raba quarry, south of Qalqilya in the West Bank. The quarry sits on land belonging to the Palestinian villages of az-Zawiya and Rafat, according to Who Profits.

An official Civil Administration planning notice reviewed by Al Jazeera shows a proposal was approved to expand the site.

Who Profits, a group that researches links between the private sector and the economy in the Israeli-occupied territories, said the approval was granted on May 28, 2025.

Heidelberg told Al Jazeera that in 2023, Hanson Israel “ceased all activities at the Nahal Raba quarry and the associated asphalt plant and ready-mix concrete plant”, adding that only security personnel are present on site.

Egis: Selling transport infrastructure that supports settlements

French engineering group Egis provides another type of connection via transport infrastructure linking illegal Israeli settlements in occupied East Jerusalem with the rest of the city.

The UN lists Egis in connection with the “provision of services and utilities supporting the maintenance and existence of settlements, including transport”.

Egis’s own material shows that its involvement in Jerusalem’s expanding light-rail network continues today, with the company website advertising a job for an engineering expert based in Jerusalem on its light-rail projects.

A general view shows Jerusalem’s light rail tram as it passes by the old city’s walls in Jerusalem November 13, 2014 [Ronen Zvulun/Reuters]

Jerusalem Transportation Master Plan procurement documents from 2017 also identify Egis Rail as its general consultant, responsible for supervising and coordinating planning and design work on the Blue and Green lines.

Jerusalem’s light rail crosses into occupied East Jerusalem and links illegal Israeli settlements there with West Jerusalem. UN reports have described the railway as “additional infrastructure serving the illegal settlement network” and said it further isolates occupied East Jerusalem from the rest of the occupied West Bank.

Egis told Al Jazeera it “formally expressed its disagreement with this inclusion” in the UN database.

In Britain, five companies and entities controlled by Egis hold six public-sector contracts worth 133.60 million pounds ($182.4m). Almost the entire amount comes from a single contract, with the Driver and Vehicle Licensing Agency awarding Egis Projects UK Ltd a 133.23-million-pound ($181.9m) contract for enforcement services across Britain. Egis businesses also hold UK public contracts, including Galson Sciences, Helios Technology, Egis Transport Solutions and architecture practice WestonWilliamson+Partners.

2:19

Dutch court weighs trade ban on goods from illegal Israeli settlements

CAF: Constructing project to continue into 2027

Spanish train manufacturer CAF is also involved in Jerusalem’s light-rail network. The company has disclosed that the 1.8-billion-euro ($2.10bn) Jerusalem project was awarded in 2019 to TransJerusalem J-Net Ltd, a firm owned 50 percent by CAF and 50 percent by Israeli construction business Shapir.

CAF said the project includes construction of the Green Line and extension of the existing Red Line, “which partially run through East Jerusalem”. The construction phase is expected to continue until 2027.

The UN identifies CAF over the “supply of equipment and materials facilitating the construction and the expansion of settlements” and the “use of natural resources, in particular water and land, for business purposes”.

Al Jazeera contacted CAF for comment but received no response.

Meanwhile, CAF has an extensive relationship with Britain’s public sector, including supplying trams for one of the country’s major urban networks. The West Midlands Combined Authority awarded CAF an 83.5-million-pound ($114m) contract for a new generation of trams for the West Midlands Metro. The contract runs until December 2027, according to Tussell data. 

Fosun: Owner of a cosmetics company accused of excavating Dead Sea mud in occupied territory

Chinese conglomerate Fosun International is identified by the UN under the category covering the commercial use of natural resources, particularly water and land.

Its connection to the occupied West Bank centres on Israeli cosmetics manufacturer Ahava Dead Sea Laboratories. Fosun itself announced in April 2016 that it had agreed to acquire Ahava for 290 million shekels ($76.8m).

Fosun’s subsequent statutory reporting recorded Ahava as 99.46-percent owned.

A European Commission statement in 2018 said Ahava “does have operations in the settlement Mitzpeh Shalem, located in Occupied Territories”.

According to the Quaker-founded organisation, American Friends Service Committee (AFSC), repeated site visits confirmed that Ahava’s former factory in the illegal Mitzpe Shalem settlement remained operational as of 2026.

The group said Dead Sea mud was excavated in the occupied Palestinian territory and initially processed at the site before being transferred to Ein Gedi for further production.

In Britain, Breas Medical, which is ultimately owned through Shanghai Fosun Pharmaceutical by Fosun International, holds two public-sector contracts worth 1.29 million pounds ($1.76m). Fosun International is the controlling shareholder of Shanghai Fosun Pharmaceutical.

Al Jazeera contacted Fosun for comment but received no response.

ஜிஹாத் அமைப்பும், முஸ்லிம் ஊர்காவல் படையினரும், வரலாற்று திரிபுகளும்.

 ஜிஹாத் அமைப்பும், முஸ்லிம் ஊர்காவல் படையினரும், வரலாற்று திரிபுகளும்.

முகம்மத் இக்பால்

சாய்ந்தமருது

கடந்த முப்பது ஆண்டுகளுக்குள் நாங்கள் நேரடியாக அறிந்துகொண்ட பல வரலாற்றுச் சம்பவங்களின் உண்மைகள் மறைக்கப்பட்டு, வரலாற்றுத் திரிபுகளாக சிலரது மனோ இச்சைக்கு ஏற்ப முகநூல்களில் பதிவிடுகின்றனர்.

இவ்வாறு சிலரது மனோநிலைக்கு ஏற்ப எழுதுகின்ற கற்பனைகளை இன்றைய இளைய சமுதாயத்தினர் உண்மை என்று நம்புகின்றனர்.

இன்றைய நாகரீகமான உலகில் நாங்கள் வாழும்போதும், பதிவு செய்யப்பட்ட ஆவணங்கள், அச்சு ஊடகங்கள் இருக்கின்ற காலத்திலேயே இவ்வாறான பொய்யான வரலாறுகளை பரப்ப முடியுமென்றால், பல நூறு அல்லது ஆயிரம் ஆண்டுகளுக்கு முன்பு நடைபெற்ற சம்பவங்களை, எந்தவித சந்தேகமுமின்றி துல்லியமாக உண்மையான வரலாறாக நம்பலாமா என்ற அச்சம் ஏற்படுகின்றது.

மனித நாகரீகங்கள், கண்டுபிடிப்புக்கள் எதுவும் இல்லாத பண்டைய காலத்து கதைகளில் எத்தனையோ திரிபுகளும், குளறுபடிகளும், கற்பனைகளும் ஊடுருவி இருக்கலாம் என்பது தற்போதைய வரலாற்று திரிபுகள் மூலம் எண்ணத் தோன்றுகிறது.

வரலாறு என்பது வரலாறுதான். நடந்தது நடந்ததுதான். வரலாற்று சம்பவங்களை எழுதுகின்றவர்கள், அவர்களது இனத்துக்காகவும், மதத்துக்காகவும், பக்கச்சார்பாக எதனையும் கூட்டவோ, குறைக்கவோ முடியாது. அவ்வாறு திரிபுபடுத்துவது பொய்யான வரலாறாகும் என்பதனை இன்றைய இளைய சமுதாயத்தினர் புரிந்துகொள்ள வேண்டும்.

முஸ்லிம் ஊர்காவல் படையினரும், ஜிஹாத் இயக்கத்தினரும் தமிழ் கிராமங்களுக்குள் புகுந்து ஏராளமான தமிழ் மக்களை கொலை செய்தார்கள் என்ற செய்தியை ஆரம்பத்தில் ஓரிரு ஊடகங்கள் பரப்பியது. பின்பு அந்த ஊடகச் செய்திகளை ஆதாராமாகக் கொண்டு கொலைப் பட்டியலையும், திரிபுக் கதைகளையும் பலர் எழுதி வருகின்றனர்.

கடந்தகால தமிழ் – முஸ்லிம் மக்களின் கசப்புணர்வுகளை அறிந்துகொள்ளாத இன்றைய இளைய சமுதாயத்தினர், இவைகளை உண்மை என்று நம்புகின்றனர்.

விடயங்களை அறிந்தவன் என்றரீதியில் மட்டுமல்லாது, வரலாறுகளை அலசி ஆராய்ந்து உண்மைகளை இன்றைய இளைய சமுதாயதினர்களுக்கு எத்திவைப்பது எனது கடமையாகும்.

எனவே அடுத்துவரும் பதிவுகளில் இதுபற்றி ஆராய்வோம்.

முகம்மத் இக்பால்

சாய்ந்தமருது

https://www.facebook.com/mughammeth.ikbal

Chemmani Mass graves in Sri Lanka

 

Haunting Past becoming Visible: Chemmani Mass graves in Sri Lanka

Dr. Aparna Eswaran

• July 6, 2025
• 11 min read

In the northern soil of Sri Lanka, the past refuses to stay buried. Chemmani, once whispered in fear, now speaks in bones and broken belongings—fragile remnants of lives erased by a war waged not just on the battlefield but on bodies, identities, and memory itself. As fresh graves reemerge decades later, they don’t merely indict individuals, they expose a state apparatus built on silence and denial. This is a story about the dead, and about the living who demand truth. Chemmani is a wound, a witness, and a test: of justice, of memory, and of global solidarity against impunity.

Child’s toy, a blue school satchel, entangled with these remnants of innocence were fragile skeletal bones of children- the horrifying testimony of the violent arc of impunity in Sri Lanka were unearthed recently in the Chemmani mass graves in Jaffna. Undeniable evidence that even children were not spared from the horrors of war, exposed the enormity of cruelty that Tamils had to endure through the war. Sri Lanka is dotted with mass graves where evidence of thousands of extra-judicial murders and disappearances lay buried without accountability. While official records identify over thirty mass graves, proper exhumations have happened only in few. The majority of exhumations so far have taken place only when mass grave sites were unintentionally discovered during constructions and in some rare instances, when individuals from the security forces disclosed information, Chemmani being such an exceptional instance.

Chemmani Mass Grave Discovery

Krishanthy Kumaraswamy

Krishanthy Kumaraswamy

Chemmani was seared into the conscience of the Lankan society with the brutal rape and murder of 18-year-old Krishanthy Kumaraswamy in 1992. A school girl, Krishanthy was on her way to give her exams, when she was stopped at the checkpoint, raped and killed. Her mother, brother and neighbour who went looking for her were also murdered by the army and their bodies were found in Chemmani. Poet Vinothini, a native of Jaffna, captures this horror in her poem “Krishanthi” from the collection Mukamoodi Seypaval

 “Krishanthi”

As the birds sang

And the sun fell into the sea

Her death took place

in the open space of white sand,

No one knew about it.

 

When she was born a female child,

she wouldn’t have thought of such an end,

Her mother neither.

 

First their look pierced her like a thorn,

then their terrible hands seized her arms,

No sound arose.

She fell in a faint

they raped her senseless body

It happened

at the open space of white sand

She was buried

at the edge of the salty cremation ground

When she was born

Would she have thought of such an end?

(Trans. Prof. M.A Nuhman)

Mugamoodi Seipaval | By Poet Vinothini

Following investigations, five members of the Sri Lankan army were convicted and sentenced to death. One of whom, Army Lance Corporal Somaratne Rajapakse, denied involvement and said that the convicted soldiers didn’t rape or kill Krishanthy, but buried her and that there were many more buried by the army in Chemmani. In his disclosure from the docks of the Colombo High Court, he had said: “almost every evening, dead bodies were brought there and the soldiers were asked to bury them.” Following this unexpected confession, mass protests were organized by Tamils, and with international attention seeping in, the exhumations in Chemmani started. Around fifteen bodies were found, after which in the course of war, the exhumations stopped abruptly. In February this year, routine excavation work by the Nallur Pradeshiya Sabha in Jaffna led to the unexpected unearthing of skeletal remains, drawing fresh public attention.

Raj Somadeva | Senior Professor in Archaeology

This finding prompted a court-ordered forensic investigation led by archeologist Professor Raj Somadeva, which has since uncovered additional proof of mass burials and extrajudicial killings of Tamils during and in the aftermath of the civil war.

Mass Graves and Disappearances

Tamils being displaced by the Sri Lankan invasion of Jaffna, 1995. | Source: Tamil Guardian

Enforced disappearances were used extensively as an instrument of terror in Sri Lanka by state security forces with thousands of Sri Lankans forcibly disappeared, a majority being Tamil. In the immediate cessation of conflict, thousands vanished following their surrender to the state, while others were detained or abducted in the aftermath of the fighting due to alleged involvements with Tamil militancy, political activism, or criticism of the government, held under the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) and various Emergency Regulations (ERs). An estimated 65,000 enforced disappearances have been reported since the early 1980s, the second-highest number globally (UNWGEID, 2016). Official truth-seeking mechanisms and official policies of transitional justice have also met with limited success in Sri Lanka. According to Prof. Vasuki Nesiah, the history of these commissions provides an indicator of how truth and reconciliation commissions can be manipulated to deflect dissent by channeling criticisms of human rights violations into institutions that the government uses as a shield against critique. The Office of Missing Persons (OMP) which was one of the outcomes of the transitional justice policy of post-war Sri Lanka is a case in point and largely been ineffective in spite of raising people’s hopes at its inception. As political analyst Nilanthan from Jaffna had said, there is no transitional justice in Sri Lanka, because there have been no transitions in devolution of power to the Tamil community nor distribution of justice.

A joint report by International Truth and Justice Project, Families of the Disappeared, Center for Human Rights and Development and the Journalists for Democracy in Sri Lanka titled ‘Mass Graves and Failed Exhumations in Sri Lanka’ has identified the lack of political will as the reason for the shortcomings in the exhumations of mass graves. Looking at the exhumations in Mannar and Matale, the report notes how Magistrates and forensic experts have been abruptly transferred, judicial orders delayed by the police, lawyers representing victims’ families denied access to excavation sites and how authorities have made little to no effort to locate living witnesses or gather ante mortem data essential for identification. Even in the exceedingly rare instances where convictions were secured, perpetrators were later granted pardons, underscoring a persistent culture of impunity.

Ruvin De Silva | Photographer and Filmmaker

Based on the ICES research report titled ‘Mass Grave Sites in Sri Lanka’ by Sophie Bisping, the documentary In Plain Sight by filmmaker and photographer Ruvin de Silva highlighted the inherent connections between enforced disappearances and mass graves as mass graves present a possibility of providing answers to what happened to the disappeared. Families and relatives spend their entire lives searching for information of their disappeared loved ones, their grief politicised by different political groups, but the waiting remains a lonely ordeal. Sri Lanka from 2015 is a party to the “International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance,” which recognises the ‘Right to know’ as well as have strict provisions for political interference hindering investigations. But as the documentary notes, the mass graves exist as public secrets where influential politicians have actively interfered in tampering evidence without any accountability. Mass graves are also indexes of disrespect to the dead, placing the burden of reconciliation on the loved ones of the victims and not on the perpetrators of the violence. Families of the Disappeared, overwhelmingly women, have for years held public protests demanding information and accountability. In an absence of accountability in Sri Lanka, these protests have increasingly asked for international accountability and attention to their grief. 

International Accountability

Following the recent exhumations in Chemmani, protests by families of the disappeared and civil society organizations started called the Anaya Vilakku (Eternal flame) protests, the demands of which include UN monitoring of the process of exhumation as well as referring Sri Lanka to the International Criminal Court. In response to the protests, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk visited Chemmani and paid his respects. He said in his media statement “It is always very emotional to visit places where the haunting past becomes so visible” and “When you are at a mass grave site, the one thing that needs to be done is thorough investigations, robust investigations, by independent experts with forensic expertise who can bring out the truth and close the pain and suffering of family members whose loved ones were disappeared”. While Anura Dissanayake had earlier promised to set up a Truth and Reconciliation Commission, (there were widespread disappearances during the crackdown on JVP insurrections in 1980s), the Association of Relatives of Enforced Disappearances in North and East have expressed skepticism considering the past failures in exhumations in North. Volker Türk’s visit has once again rekindled hopes for the families of the disappeared and predictably ruffled feathers in the political echelons of Sri Lanka.

Volker Türk | Austrian lawyer and United Nations official

In an editorial by Shamindra Ferdinando in The Island, Türk’s visit was termed as the ‘Geneva Strategy’ and as ‘flogging a dead horse’ in Sri Lanka for publicity while an active genocide is happening in Palestine. There was also the routine criticism of LTTE’s recruitment of child soldiers as if all of this justifies children being killed and buried in Chemmani. Interestingly Eelam Tamils have been strong in denunciation of the violence committed in Palestine as they have recognised the pain from shared experiences of war and conflict. Instead of pitting these experiences of war against each other, it would be far more productive to think of the accountability we hold to children of Eelam as well as Palestine. Empathy clearly is not enough, actual actions of solidarity matter. In his Semmani series of poems written in 2010, poet Ahilan from Jaffna had written of the return of Mother Mary to Chemmani, ‘When she passed the blackened grass/on which the wind lingers/ the dead bloated moon /in tin coloured water/ a lament rose up/ splitting eons’. Chemmani is a testimony, a lament, but also a test of where we stand on political accountability to the dead, the disappeared and the children we hurt. 

References

Ahilan, P. (2023). Semmani 01 (G. Sukumaran, Trans.). In Then there were no witnesses: Poems (p.19). Mawenzi House Publishers Ltd.

Al Jazeera. (2025, June 16). New Sri Lanka mass grave discovery reopens old wounds for Tamils.https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2025/6/16/new-sri-lanka-mass-grave-discovery-reopens-old-wounds-for-tamils

Amnesty International. (1999, June). Sri Lanka: Wavering commitment to human rights (ASA 37/17/1999).https://www.amnesty.org/ar/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/asa370171999en.pdf

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