Indian PM ModiS Israel visit

From Gaza to defence: Five key takeaways from Indian PM Modi’s Israel visit

Indian PM throws his weight behind Israel’s Netanyahu even as genocide continues in occupied Palestinian territory.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, right speaks with his Israeli counterpart, Benjamin Netanyahu, after paying respects before the eternal flame at the Hall of Remembrance during his visit to the Yad Vashem Holocaust Memorial Museum in Jerusalem on February 26, 2026 [Ilia Yefimovich/AFP]

By Yashraj Sharma 26-02-2026 

Published On 26 Feb 202626 Feb 2026

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has wrapped up a two-day visit to Israel, which was marked by a welcoming embrace from his counterpart, Benjamin Netanyahu, and a conspicuous silence about Israel’s genocidal war in occupied Palestinian territory.

During the visit, which began on Wednesday, the two leaders lauded their strong friendship, which they said has deepened bilateral ties, and signed agreements on a range of issues, including innovation and agriculture.

One reason Modi, unlike previous Indian leaders, has displayed such warmth towards the Israeli prime minister is the Indian Hindu right’s enthusiasm for the ideology of Zionism, analysts said.

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“You are a great friend of Israel, … Narendra. You are more than a friend. You are a brother,” Netanyahu told Modi when both leaders addressed the Israeli parliament in Jerusalem on Wednesday.

Netanyahu showed Modi around Yad Vashem, a memorial in Jerusalem to the victims of the Holocaust, and hosted a dinner after they had spoken to the Knesset, where Modi was conferred with the parliament’s highest honour.

This was the second ever visit by an Indian prime minister to Israel after Modi’s first visit in 2017. That time, he also did not visit Palestine despite India’s long history of supporting the Palestinian cause.

While India opposed the creation of Israel in 1948 and formalised diplomatic relations only in 1992, relations between the two countries have improved since then, flourishing particularly since Modi became India’s prime minister in 2014.

Since then, their ties have blossomed, anchored in defence and the shared nationalistic leanings of their leaders.

Here are five key takeaways from Modi’s trip to Israel:

Netanyahu greets Modi during a special session of the Knesset on February 25, 2026 [Ronen Zvulun/Reuters]

Full support for Israel, silence on Gaza genocide

Wednesday was the first time an Indian leader had addressed the Knesset. Modi received a standing ovation after declaring: “India stands with Israel firmly, with full conviction, in this moment and beyond.”

Modi told the Israeli parliament that he carries “the deepest condolences of the people of India for every life lost and for every family whose world was shattered in the barbaric terrorist attack by Hamas on October 7” in 2023.

“We feel your pain. We share your grief. India stands with Israel firmly, with full conviction, in this moment and beyond,” he said. “No cause can justify the murder of civilians. Nothing can justify terrorism.”

The Indian prime minister referred to the Mumbai attacks in 2008, which New Delhi has blamed on neighbouring Pakistan, saying: “Like you, we have a consistent and uncompromising policy of zero tolerance for terrorism with no double standards.”

Modi also threw his weight behind United States President Donald Trump’s 20-point Gaza peace plan, stating that India “supports all efforts that contribute to durable peace and regional stability”.

While Modi said he backed “dialogue, peace and stability in the region”, he skipped any mention of the continuing genocide in Gaza, where the Israeli army has killed more than 72,000 Palestinians since October 2023.

Anwar Alam, a senior fellow at the Policy Perspective Foundation, a think tank in New Delhi, said the timing of Modi’s visit is “too poor and has grossly compromised India’s historical pro-Palestine stand”.

Alam argued that while New Delhi, a leader of the anticolonial nonalignment movement, can continue to maintain ties with Tel Aviv, “India cannot allow itself to display such insensitivity to Palestinian sufferings and stand with the coloniser.”

Modi signs the guestbook at Yad Vashem as Netanyahu and Dani Dayan, chairman of the Yad Vashem Holocaust Memorial Museum, watch on February 26, 2026 [Ilia Yefimovich/AFP]

Modi emphasises ‘civilisational ties’ with Israel

One reason Modi, unlike previous Indian leaders, has displayed such warmth towards the Israeli prime minister is the Indian Hindu right’s enthusiasm for the ideology of Zionism, analysts said.

Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has roots in a philosophy, Hindutva, which ultimately seeks to transform India into a Hindu nation and a natural homeland for Hindus anywhere in the world – similar to Israel’s view of itself as a Jewish homeland.

During his speech to the Knesset, therefore, Modi doubled down on what he called the “civilisational ties” between the two nations. He started his address to the Knesset by announcing himself as “a representative of one ancient civilisation addressing another”.

“We are both ancient civilisations, and it is perhaps no surprise that our civilisational traditions also reveal philosophical parallels,” he said, quoting the Israeli “principle of ‘tikkun olam’ about healing the world”.

“In India, there is great admiration for Israel’s resolve, courage and achievements,” Modi said. “Long before we related to each other as modern states, we were linked by ties that go back more than 2,000 years.”

Modi mused about “returning to a land to which I have always felt drawn”. “After all, I was born on the same day that India formally recognised Israel – September 17, 1950.”

While India formally recognised Israel in 1950, two years after its formation, it only established diplomatic relations with it in 1992.

Modi disembarks as he arrives at Ben Gurion International Airport near Tel Aviv, Israel, on February 25, 2026 [Shir Torem/Reuters]

Deepening defence ties

These days, India is Israel’s largest weapons buyer, pumping billions of dollars into Israel’s defence industry each year. In 2024 as Israel waged its war on Gaza, Indian weapons firms sold Israel rockets and explosives, according to an Al Jazeera investigation.

On Thursday, Modi held talks with Netanyahu focused on further boosting ties in the areas of defence and security along with trade, technology and agriculture.

“We have decided to establish the Critical and Emerging Technologies Partnership. This will give new momentum to cooperation in areas such as AI, quantum, and critical minerals,” Modi said.

The two countries are also currently negotiating a free trade agreement.

Elevating strategic ties

India and Israel are reportedly inching closer to an alliance, along with other global powers, to boost security cooperation.

Before Modi’s visit, Netanyahu pitched a “hexagon of alliances” that he said would include India, Greece, Cyprus and other unnamed Arab, African and Asian states to collectively stand against what he called “radical” Shia and Sunni Muslim “axes” of adversaries in the region.

Modi has not confirmed this plan but did call for cooperation on multilateral projects, including the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) and the I2U2, consisting of India, Israel, the United Arab Emirates and US.

The IMEC envisions connecting India with the Middle East and Europe through an integrated rail and shipping corridor. The economic corridor would pass through India, the UAE, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Israel and Europe. It was unveiled in September 2023 during a Group of 20 summit in New Delhi.

“IMEC is very ambitious in bringing together these countries in ways that at one point would have been incomprehensible,” said Harsh Pant, vice president of the Observer Research Foundation, a New Delhi-based think tank. “Today, it has become possible because India’s footprint has grown in the Middle East and in Europe.”

Geopolitical analysts have referred to the I2U2 as “the West Asian Quad” in reference to the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, a forum of the US, Japan, Australia and India.

Modi also referred to the Abraham Accords, brokered by the US since 2020 for Gulf and North African countries to normalise relations with Israel, and “applauded your courage and vision”.

“Since then, the situation has changed significantly. The path is even more challenging. Yet it is important to sustain that hope,” Modi said.

Netanyahu and Modi greet children in the Knesset during Modi’s two-day visit to Israel, aimed at deepening ties with a key trade and defence partner [Debbie Hill/Pool/AFP]

‘Dehyphenating’ India from Israel-Palestine

Pant said, like some Arab nations, India wants to dehyphenate its relations in the region to suit its own strategic interests better. Dehyphenation is a foreign policy under which a country aims to maintain independent relationships with nations that may be in conflict with each other.

“India’s own relationships have developed to a point where India is no longer hyphenating its relationships in the region,” Pant said.

Analysts argued New Delhi has bet on Israel for its own strategic interests, even if at Palestine’s expense. From the Indian government’s point of view, “this is the beginning of a new strategic imagination for the region,” Pant told Al Jazeera.

Modi remarked in his speech to the Knesset that many Indians have migrated to Israel for work, adding that Indian youth have contributed to the building of modern Israel, including “also on the battlefield”. Thousands of foreign nationals have served in the Israeli military, including nearly 200 soldiers who are dual citizens of India and Israel.

Modi, however, did not mention Colonel Waibhav Kale, a former Indian army officer who died in May 2024 when a United Nations vehicle was struck by the Israeli army in Gaza. He was the first international UN worker in Gaza to die in the war.

“India’s stance is clear: Humanity must never become a victim of conflict. A path to peace has been created through the Gaza peace plan. India has fully supported these efforts,” Modi said before departing on Thursday.

However, analysts said the divergence from earlier Indian support for Palestine is stark and India will not call out Netanyahu for war crimes in Palestinian territory.

While governments before Modi laid the foundations for current bilateral ties, Modi has brought “this relationship out into the open”, Pant said. “What used to be hush-hush behind closed doors is now a matter of fact.”

“India is trying not to make ties with Israel a hostage to the issue of Palestine,” he argued.

Azad Essa, the author of the 2023 book Hostile Homelands: The New Alliance Between India and Israel, said that earlier, India had positioned itself as a friend of Palestine “because it suited its national interests to be seen as pro-Palestine”.

Popular political forces in New Delhi have shifted that stance since then, however. Given the deep defence and security tie-up between Israel and India, Essa said, “It will be very difficult for opposition parties to promise a U-turn because being pro-Israel has become integral to the national interest.”

“To be pro-Palestine is now seen as being against the Indian national interest,” he said. Some have been detained and charged for expressing support for Palestine in India.

“India will have to become far more democratic and break out of the grip of majoritarian politics if it is to change more than just its tone on Palestine,” Essa told Al Jazeera. 

Why the 2002 peace process was the LTTE-S beginning of the end

The strategic paradox:

Why the 2002 peace process was the LTTE’s beginning of the end

16 February 2026 

Mirror AI Summary - Quick Read

The critics at the foundation institute argued that the LTTE was incapable of democracy. While their track record support this, the peace process offered them a “Golden Bridge” to retreat across. Had Velupillai Prabakaran possessed the foresight of the JVP (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna) - which transitioned from a violent insurgency to a ruling Democratic Party- the history of the North and East would be prosperity rather than blood

• While experts on the ethnic crisis have dismissed the 2002 peace efforts as futile, a more clinical analysis reveals a different truth
• The peace process acted as a “peace trap.” By engaging in talks, the LTTE was held to a higher standard of international scrutiny
• In Military theory, a “Strategic Pause” is rarely about peace for the sake of peace; it is about changing the conditions of the battlefield. By 2002, the Sri Lankan State and the LTTE were in a “hurting stalemate”. However, the peace process orchestrated by Prof. GL Peiris shifted the conflict from the jungle to the negotiating table-a terrain where the LTTE was inherently disadvantaged
• The 2002 Peace Process, facilitated by Norway, is viewed as a double-edged sword for the LTTE

The seminar held on February 12, 2026, at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute, organised by senior lawyer and respected political activist Shiral Lakthilake, provided a rare intellectual collision regarding the legacy of Prof. GL Peiris’ work: “The Sri Lanka Peace Process : An Inside View”.

Former Foreign Minister of
Sri Lanka G. L. Peiris addresses
the General Assembly at UN
Headquarters in New York

While esteemed panelists like Dr. Sarath Amunugama and Dr. Dayan Jayathilaka dismissed the 2002 peace efforts as a futile exercise with a “ruthless terrorist organization”, a deeper, more clinical analysis reveals a different truth.

The 2002 Peace Process, which was facilitated by Norway, is often viewed as a double-edged sword for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). While it initially gave them international legitimacy and “co-equal” status with the government, it ultimately set the stage for their military defeat by triggering internal fractures and hardening the international community’s stance against them.

Strategic pause: Gaining the initiative

In Military theory, a “Strategic Pause” is rarely about peace for the sake of peace; it is about changing the conditions of the battlefield. By 2002, the Sri Lankan State and the LTTE were in a “hurting stalemate”. However, the peace process orchestrated by Prof. GL Peiris shifted the conflict from the jungle to the negotiating table-a terrain where the LTTE was inherently disadvantaged.

For the Sri Lankan Government, the peace process offered a critical window to:

Recuperate and Re-arm: Modernising the military hardware and intelligence apparatus.

The peace process effectively acted as a “peace trap.” By engaging in talks, the LTTE was held to a higher standard of international scrutiny that they struggled to meet.

• The “War on Terror” Context: Post-9/11, the global climate shifted aggressively against non-state armed groups. The LTTE’s continued use of child soldiers and political assassinations during the ceasefire alienated their international backers.
• Proscriptions: While the peace process was ongoing, major powers grew tired of LTTE’s intransigence. In 2006, the European Union officially designated the LTTE as a terrorist organization, following the lead of the US, India, and the UK. This choked off their diaspora funding and procurement networks.
• The Washington Boycott: A symbolic turning point occurred in 2003 when the LTTE was excluded from a donor conference in Washington D.C. (as they were a banned group in the US). The LTTE withdrew from talks in protest, but this move only served to portray them as the “spoilers” of peace.

The “Dilemma” Tactic: It forced the LTTE to choose between a dramatic pathway (which threatened their totalitarian control) or returning to war (which would brand them as the aggressors)

Prof. G.L. Peiris (left) and Anton Balasingham

Internal fracture: The Karuna Factor

Perhaps the most significant military outcome of the peace process was the defection of Vinayagamoorthi Muralitharan known as Karuna Amman with thousands of cadres. In, 2004, as the commander of the Eastern Province and second in command to Velupille Prabakaran, Karuna represented the backbone of the LTTE’s fighting force.

The peace process allowed internal regional grievances within the LTTE to breathe. The Eastern cadres, who felt they were being used as “cannon fodders” for the Jaffna - centric leadership, utilised the period of relative calm to reassess their loyalties. The major impact was catastrophic for the LTTE for three reasons.

LOSS OF LAND MASS: The Eastern Province ( Ampara, Trincomalee and Batticaloa) is geographically massive. Losing control over Eastern province meant the dream of a “contiguous” Eelam was mathematically dead.

DEPLETION OF MAN POWER: The LTTE was split into three distinct Human Resources segments: Jaffna, Wanni, and the East. The loss of the Eastern cadres meant the LTTE could no longer sustain a two front war against a much larger Sri Lanka Army.

INTELLIGENCE GOLDMINE : The defection provided the Sri Lankan Military with unprecedented tactical intelligence regarding LTTE bunker lines, supply routes, and hidden caches.

The erosion of “will to fight”

The legacy of Prof. GL Peiris’ work: “The Sri Lanka Peace Process: An Inside View”
In Clausewitzian Military theory, the “will to fight “ is the centre of gravity for any insurgency. The peace process attacked this centre of gravity with surgical precision.

During the years of cease fire agreements (CFA), the LTTE cadres were exposed to a “normal” life for the first time in decades. Thousands of cadres entered the marriages and started families. While thus sounds like a humanitarian success, from a cold military- scientific perspective, it was the beginning of the end for their fighting spirit. 

“A soldier or terrorist with a child is no longer a soldier or a terrorist who seeks martyrdom; he is a soldier/ terrorist who seeks survival.”

The transition from a “suicidal and disruptive mentally” to a domestic one created a psychological conflict. When the fanatical zealots; it was a group of individuals who now had something to lose. The “willingness to sacrifice” was replaced by the “instinct to protect” one’s family, fundamentally weakening the LTTE’s asymmetric advantage.

Sri Lanka’s Government and Tamil Tiger rebels met for peace talks in the Norwegian capital, Oslo

Democratic opportunity missed

The critics at the foundation institute argued that the LTTE was incapable of democracy. While their track record support this, the peace process offered them a “Golden Bridge” to retreat across. Had Velupillai Prabakaran possessed the foresight of the JVP (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna) - which transitioned from a violent insurgency to a ruling Democratic Party- the history of the North and East would be prosperity rather than blood.

The LTTE leader would have transitioned into a Chief Minister governing a legally recognised provincial administration. Instead, by rejecting the peace process’s Democratic concessions, the LTTE Proved to the global community that they were primary obstacle to peace, by justifying the total military solution that followed.

Conclusion: A success misunderstood

Many historians argue that the LTTE’s withdrawal from the peace talks in 2003 was their biggest strategic blunder, as it allowed the government to frame the subsequent military offensive as a “humanitarian rescue mission” against an “unreasonable” foe.

“To the civilian, a ceasefire looks like a halt. To an infantry officer, it looks like a preparatory phase. We didn’t just sit idle during the peace process; we used that time to sharpen the blade. We analysed our past failures, bolstered our ranks, and waited for the moment when the strategic landscape shifted in our favor. It was the silence between the storms that allowed us to gather the strength required to end the war permanently.”

The peace process led by professor GL Peiris was not a “waste of time”. It was the “Grand Strategy” that set the stage for the military victory. It achieved what bullets alone could not. It fractured the enemy from within, depleted their Human Resources through Karuna defection and rotted their fanatical “will to fight” through the introduction of domestic normalcy.

Sri Lankan government chief negotiator G. L. Peiris (R) sits next to his Tamil Tiger adversaries at the opening of peace talks in Thailand which were held from 16-18 September in 2002

(The writer is a battle hardened Infantry Officer who served the Sri Lanka Army for over 36 years, dedicating 20 of those to active combat. In addition to his military service, Dr Perera is a respected International Researcher and Writer, having authored more than 200 research articles and 16 books. He holds a PhD in economics and is an entrepreneur and International Analyst specialising in National Security, economics and politics. He can be reached at sirinimalb@hotmail.com)

அரச பயங்கரவாத சட்ட எதிர்ப்பு விழிப்புணர்வு

Repeal PTA! Withdraw PSTA!

NO

 Terror and Repressive Laws!

"பயங்கரவாதத் தடுப்பு சட்டம்” (PTA) மற்றும் "பயங்கரவாதத்திலிருந்து அரசை பாதுகாக்கும் சட்ட மசோதா" (PSTA) தொடர்பாக மக்களை விழிப்புணர்வு செய்யவும், அவர்களின் கருத்துக்கள் மற்றும் பரிந்துரைகளைப் பெற்றுக்கொள்ளவும் ஒரு நிகழ்ச்சி 2026 பெப்ரவரி 20 ஆம் திகதி யாழ்ப்பாணம் பொது நூலகத்தில் நடைபெற்றது.

நிகழ்ச்சியின் இறுதியில், “பயங்கரவாதத்திலிருந்து அரசை பாதுகாக்கும் சட்ட மசோதா (PSTA)க்கு எதிர்ப்பு தெரிவித்து கலந்து கொண்ட பொதுமக்கள் மனுவில் கையெழுத்திடும் நிகழ்வும் இடம்பெற்றது .

இந்த நிகழ்வில் பிரதேச சிவில் சமூக செயற்பாட்டாளர்கள், பல்கலைக்கழக மாணவர்கள், சமூக ஊடக செயற்பாட்டாளர்கள், மேலும் ஊடகவியலாளர்கள் ஆகியோர் கலந்து கொண்டனர்.

சட்டம்  மற்றும் சமூக நம்பிக்கை நிறுவனம் (LST) சார்பில், இந்த நிகழ்ச்சியானது “மக்கள் பாராளுமன்றம்” மூலம் ஏற்பாடு செய்யப்பட்டது.

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”‍ත්‍රස්තවාදය වැළැක්වීමේ පනත”‍ (PTA) සහ ”‍ත්‍රස්තවාදයෙන් රාජ්‍ය ආරක්ෂා කිරීමේ පනත් කෙටුම්පත”‍ (PSTA) පිලිබඳව ජනතාව දැනුවත් කිරීමේ සහ ඔවුන්ගේ අදහස්/යෝජනා ලබා ගැනීමේ වැඩසටහනක් 2026 පෙබරවාරි 20 දින යාපනය, මහජන පුස්තකාලයේ දී පැවැත්විණ. වැඩසටහන අවසානයේ “ත්‍රස්තවාදයෙන් රාජ්‍ය ආරක්ෂා කිරීමේ පනත් කෙටුම්පතට”‍ (PSTA) විරෝධය පළ කරමින් පැමිණ ජනතාව පෙත්සමක් අත්සන් කිරීම ද සිදු කරන ලදී. මේ සඳහා ප්‍රදේශයේ සිවිල් සමාජ ක්‍රියාකාරීන්, විශ්ව විද්‍යාල ශිෂ්‍ය / ශිෂ්‍යාවන්, සමාජ මාධ්‍ය ක්‍රියාකාරීන් මෙන්ම මාධ්‍යවේදීන් සහභාගී විය. නීතිය හා සමාජ භාරය ආයතනය (LST) වෙනුවෙන් මෙම වැඩසටහන සංවිධානය කරනු ලැබුවේ ”‍මහජන පාර්ලිමේන්තුව'' විසිනි.

Fears of renewed war Gaza welcomes Ramadan

 

Gaza welcomes Ramadan amid fragile ‘ceasefire’ and fears of renewed war

Despite displacement, Gaza families strive to create joy this Ramadan, navigating grief, scarcity, and fragile peace.

Maisoon al-Barbarawi's son hangs up a Ramadan lantern as the Gaza family tries to decorate its tent [Abdelhakim Abu Riash/Al Jazeera]

By Maram Humaid

Published On 18 Feb 202618 Feb 2026

Central Gaza Strip – At the Bureij refugee area in central Gaza, Maisoon al-Barbarawi welcomes the Islamic holy month of Ramadan in her tent.

Simple decorations hang from its worn ceiling, alongside colourful drawings on the fabric walls, prepared by camp residents to mark the arrival of the blessed month.

“We brought you decorations and a small lantern,” Maisoon tells her nine-year-old son, Hasan, smiling with an exhaustion tinged with joy at her ability to buy him a Ramadan lantern.

“My means are limited, but what matters is that the children feel happy,” Maisoon tells Al Jazeera, expressing cautious optimism about the month’s arrival.

“I wanted these decorations to be a way out of the atmosphere of grief and sadness that has accompanied us over the past two years during the war.”

Maisoon, known to everyone as Umm Mohammed, is 52 years old and a mother of two children.

“My older son is 15, and the younger is nine years. They are the most precious things I have.”

“Every day they are safe is a day worth gratitude and joy,” she says with pride mixed with fear, referring to the terror that has accompanied her throughout the war at the thought of losing them.

Like other Palestinians in Gaza, what distinguishes this Ramadan is the relative calm that has come with the current ceasefire, compared with the previous two years, when Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza, which has killed more than 70,000 Palestinians, was at its peak.

“The situation is not completely calm,” Maisoon explains. Everyone knows the war hasn’t truly stopped; shelling still happens from time to time. But compared to the height of the war, things are less intense.”

Maisoon participates in camp administration activities, helping prepare bread and arrange dates and water for distribution, minutes before the call to prayer on the first day of Ramadan.

“This is the third Ramadan we’ve spent in displacement. We lost our homes, our families, and many loved ones.”

“But here in the camp, we have neighbours and friends who share the same pain and suffering, and we all want to support one another socially.”

Maisoon lost her home in southeastern Gaza at the beginning of the war and was forced to flee with her husband, Hassouna, and their children, moving between camps before eventually settling in Bureij under what she describes as “very bad conditions”.

“We are trying to create life and joy out of nothing. Ramadan and Eid come and go, but our situation remains the same,” she says after a brief pause.

Maisoon al-Barbarawi, her husband Hassouna, and their son, Hasan, as they prepare for Ramadan in Gaza [Abdelhakim Abu Riash/Al Jazeera]

‘Wounded from within’

Maisoon’s words fluctuate between optimism and fear, but she insists that Ramadan is “a blessing”, despite everything around her.

On the first day of Ramadan, she had not yet decided what she would cook for her family, as her limited means would only allow for a modest meal.

But she had already prepared her prayers and wishes before breaking her fast.

“I will pray that the war never returns. That is my daily prayer: that things calm down completely and that the army withdraw from our land,” she says, pointing to bullet holes in her tent caused by gunfire from an Israeli quadcopter drone days earlier.

Fear of the war’s return during Ramadan is not unique to Maisoon, but is shared by many across the Gaza Strip, who worry about a renewed escalation, similar to last year when fighting resumed on March 19, 2025, coinciding with the second week of Ramadan.

That renewed war was accompanied by the closure of crossings and a ban on food aid entering the enclave, triggering a severe food crisis and humanitarian famine that lasted until last September.

“People these days keep talking about stocking up. They tell us: store flour, store food… the war is coming back,” Maisoun says anxiously.

“Last Ramadan was famine and war at the same time. I spent all my money during the previous famine.”

“My little son used to pray for death because he craved food. Can you imagine?”

Al-Zawiya Market, one of Gaza’s most prominent central markets, is witnessing renewed commercial activity after a two-year war, as the holy month of Ramadan begins [Abdelhakim Abu Riash/Al Jazeera]

Bitter memories

Gaza enters this year’s Ramadan under a “ceasefire” that began on October 10, 2025.

That truce remains fragile, but reports from the World Food Programme (WFP) and the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) indicate a relative improvement in the availability of certain food items, compared with periods of severe escalation and closures.

Commercial activity has partially resumed, and aid has entered at a steadier pace, though the flow remains inconsistent and subject to restrictions and logistical obstacles.

Despite a broader range of goods appearing in markets, prices remain high, and purchasing power is severely weakened, with large segments of the population still reliant on humanitarian assistance to meet basic needs.

Many Palestinians in Gaza continue to rely on aid organisations to eat.

Hanan al-Attar is one of them. She received a food parcel from a relief organisation on the first day of Ramadan.

Opening the package with a broad smile, she celebrates its contents while her grandchildren gather around her.

“This is fava beans, halva, dates, tahini, oil, lentils, beans, spreadable cheese, mortadella, mashallah, an excellent parcel,” Hanan tells her daughter standing nearby.

“This will be perfect for tomorrow’s suhoor,” she says, referring to the predawn meal before Muslims begin fasting for the day.

Hanan, 55, is a mother of eight who fled to Deir el-Balah a year ago from Beit Lahiya in northern Gaza, one of the hardest-hit places by Israel during the war.

She tells Al Jazeera that she will have to depend on whatever aid arrives to sustain her during Ramadan, due to her difficult economic situation.

“Today, thank God, we received assistance. This will ease my worry about what we will break our fast with,” says Hanan, who shares a tent with 15 family members, including children and grandchildren.

Smiling, she admits she secretly set aside a small amount of money to prepare a tray of potatoes with minced meat and rice for the first iftar.

“I saved a small amount to buy a kilo of meat tomorrow. Fasting requires protein,” she says in a low voice, noting that preparing a meal now depends entirely on what is available that same day, as storage conditions are nearly non existent.

“As you can see, there is no electricity, no infrastructure, no refrigerators to store vegetables or meat if we buy them.”

“We purchase what we need day by day so the food does not spoil.”

Yet the other side of Ramadan for Hanan is measured not by preparation but by those absent from the table.

Tears fill her eyes as she mentions her two sons in their late twenties who were killed in a strike last year, one leaving behind a daughter not yet two years old.

“This is the first Ramadan after the martyrdom of my sons Abdullah and Mohammed,” she says through tears.

“You feel the emptiness. It’s hard. When the family gathers and members are missing, you feel deep pain.”

Hanan al-Attar is happy to receive a precious aid package at the start of Ramadan in Gaza [Abdelhakim Abu Riash/Al Jazeera]

Cooking in the tent: Fire, wind, and plastic

Still, Hanan’s sorrow is briefly interrupted by the practicalities of preparing the cooking space.

“Unfortunately, Ramadan hasn’t changed our reality. We’ve been cooking over open fire for two years. The wind blows out the flame, and my son tries to shield it with plastic.”

She relies on firewood due to prolonged shortages of cooking gas.

“I managed to fill an eight-kilo gas cylinder two months ago and refused to use it until Ramadan,” she says, pulling out the hidden cylinder.

“Gas is like treasure for us. I planned to save it for suhoor or something quick. It would be difficult to light a fire at dawn.”

“In the end, everything passes. What matters is that we remain together in health and safety, and that we do not live through famine or war again,” she adds, her voice shifting to prayers for peace.

The memory of famine further deepens her anxiety.

She repeats the word “difficult” as she recalls the months when prices soared and food disappeared after last Ramadan.

She describes grinding lentils to replace flour and mixing them with pasta or rice to feed as many family members as possible.

To make the bread stretch, she cut it into smaller portions.

“I make it smaller, so it’s enough for everyone.”

And yet, her final wish, repeated like a prayer, echoes what many in Gaza seek this Ramadan: nothing more than “goodness and peace”, and a return home from displacement.

“May this Ramadan be one of goodness and peace for everyone… and may we return to our homes and our land.”

இலங்கைக் கடலில் 25 இந்திய மீனவர் கைது

இலங்கைக் கடலில் 25

இந்திய மீனவர் கைது

எம்.யூ.எம்.சனூன் Tamil Mirror 2026 பெப்ரவரி 16 

இலங்கை கடற்படை, ஞாயிற்றுக்கிழமை (15) இரவு மற்றும் திங்கட்கிழமை (16) அதிகாலை, யாழ்ப்பாணம் காங்கேசன்துறை பகுதிக்கு அருகில் உள்ள இலங்கை கடற்பரப்பில் ஒரு சிறப்பு தேடுதல் நடவடிக்கையை மேற்கொண்டது.

இதன்போது உள்ளூர் கடற்பரப்பில் சட்டவிரோத மீன்பிடி நடவடிக்கைகளில் ஈடுபட்ட இந்திய மீன்பிடி படகுகள் இரண்டை கைப்பற்றி இந்திய மீனவர்கள் 25 பேரை கைது செய்துள்ளனர்.

கைது செய்யப்பட்ட இந்திய மீன்பிடி படகுகள் மற்றும் இந்திய மீனவர்கள் மேலதிக சட்ட நடவடிக்கைகளுக்காக யாழ்ப்பாணம் மைலடி மீன்வள ஆய்வாளர் அலுவலகத்தில் ஒப்படைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளனர்.

F-35 Software Could Be Jailbreaked Like An iPhone

F-35 Software Could Be Jailbreaked Like An iPhone: Dutch Defense Secretary

The F-35's vendor locked software is becoming a greater concern as relations between the U.S. and longtime allies falter.

Joseph Trevithick  Updated Feb 15, 2026  TWZ

  The F-35’s ‘computer brain,’ including its cloud-based components, could be cracked to accept third-party software updates, just like ‘jailbreaking‘ a cellphone, according to the Dutch State Secretary for Defense. The statement comes as foreign operators of the jets continue to be pressed on what could happen if the United States were ever to cut off support. President Donald Trump’s administration has pursued a number of policies that have resulted in new diplomatic strains with some long-time allies, especially in Europe.

“If, despite everything, you still want to upgrade, I’m going to say something I should never say, but I will anyway: you can jailbreak an F-35 just like an iPhone,” Gijs Tuinman said during an episode of BNR Nieuwsradio‘s “Boekestijn en de Wijk” podcast posted online yesterday, according to a machine translation.

Tuinman, who has been State Secretary for Defense in the Netherlands since 2024, does not appear to have offered any further details about what the jailbreaking process might entail. What, if any, cyber vulnerabilities this might indicate is also unclear. It is possible that he may have been speaking more notionally or figuratively about action that could be taken in the future, if necessary.

TWZ has reached out to the F-35 Joint Program Office and manufacturer Lockheed Martin for responses to Tuinman’s remarks.

As we have explored in detail in the past, the F-35 program imposes unique limits on the ability of operators to make changes to the jet’s software, as well as to associated systems on the ground. Virtually all F-35s in service today see software updates come through a cloud-based network, the original version of which is known as the Autonomic Logistics Information System (ALIS). Persistent issues with ALIS have led to the development of a follow-on Operational Data Integrated Network (ODIN), the transition to which is still ongoing.

The ALIS/ODIN network is designed to handle much more than just software updates and logistical data. It is also the port used to upload mission data packages containing highly sensitive planning information, including details about enemy air defenses and other intelligence, onto F-35s before missions and to download intelligence and other data after a sortie.

Though now dated, the video below still offers a useful explanation of ALIS’ functions.

Though now dated, the video below still offers a useful explanation of ALIS’ functions.

Issues with ALIS, as well as concerns about the transfer of nationally sensitive information within the network, have led certain operators, including the Netherlands, to firewall off aspects of their software reprogramming activities in the past. However, the work still occurs in the United States under the auspices of the U.S. military and Lockheed Martin.

As TWZ has written in the past:

“It’s this mission planning data package that is a major factor to the F-35’s survivability. The ‘blue line’ (the aircraft’s route into an enemy area) that is projected by the system is based on the fusion of a huge number of factors, from enemy air defense bubbles to the stealth and electronic warfare capabilities of the aircraft, as well as onboard sensor and weapons employment envelopes and integrated tactics between F-35s and other assets. To say the least, it is one of the F-35’s most potent weapons. Without it, the aircraft and its pilot are far less capable of maximizing their potential and, as a result, are more vulnerable to detection and being shot down.“

A member of the US Air Force uses a laptop to review maintenance data from the ALIS system. USAF

So, while jailbreaking F-35’s onboard computers, as well as other aspects of the ALIS/ODIN network, may technically be feasible, there are immediate questions about the ability to independently recreate the critical mission planning and other support it provides. This is also just one aspect of what is necessary to keep the jets flying, let alone operationally relevant.

TWZ previously explored many of these same issues in detail last year, amid a flurry of reports about the possibility that F-35s have some type of discreet ‘kill switch’ built in that U.S. authorities could use to remotely disable the jets. Rumors of this capability are not new and remain completely unsubstantiated.

At that time, we stressed that a ‘kill switch’ would not even be necessary to hobble F-35s in foreign service. At present, the jets are heavily dependent on U.S.-centric maintenance and logistics chains that are subject to American export controls and agreements with manufacturer Lockheed Martin. Just reliably sourcing spare parts has been a huge challenge for the U.S. military itself, as you can learn more about in this past in-depth TWZ feature. F-35s would be quickly grounded without this sustainment support.

F-35s undergoing maintenance. USAF

A member of the US Air Force uses a laptop to review maintenance data from the ALIS system. USAF

Issues with ALIS, as well as concerns about the transfer of nationally sensitive information within the network, have led certain operators, including the Netherlands, to firewall off aspects of their software reprogramming activities in the past. However, the work still occurs in the United States under the auspices of the U.S. military and Lockheed Martin.

As TWZ has written in the past:

“It’s this mission planning data package that is a major factor to the F-35’s survivability. The ‘blue line’ (the aircraft’s route into an enemy area) that is projected by the system is based on the fusion of a huge number of factors, from enemy air defense bubbles to the stealth and electronic warfare capabilities of the aircraft, as well as onboard sensor and weapons employment envelopes and integrated tactics between F-35s and other assets. To say the least, it is one of the F-35’s most potent weapons. Without it, the aircraft and its pilot are far less capable of maximizing their potential and, as a result, are more vulnerable to detection and being shot down.“

A member of the US Air Force uses a laptop to review maintenance data from the ALIS system. USAF

So, while jailbreaking F-35’s onboard computers, as well as other aspects of the ALIS/ODIN network, may technically be feasible, there are immediate questions about the ability to independently recreate the critical mission planning and other support it provides. This is also just one aspect of what is necessary to keep the jets flying, let alone operationally relevant.

TWZ previously explored many of these same issues in detail last year, amid a flurry of reports about the possibility that F-35s have some type of discreet ‘kill switch’ built in that U.S. authorities could use to remotely disable the jets. Rumors of this capability are not new and remain completely unsubstantiated.

At that time, we stressed that a ‘kill switch’ would not even be necessary to hobble F-35s in foreign service. At present, the jets are heavily dependent on U.S.-centric maintenance and logistics chains that are subject to American export controls and agreements with manufacturer Lockheed Martin. Just reliably sourcing spare parts has been a huge challenge for the U.S. military itself, as you can learn more about in this past in-depth TWZ feature. F-35s would be quickly grounded without this sustainment support.

Altogether, any kind of jailbreaking of the F-35’s systems would come with a serious risk of legal action by Lockheed Martin and additional friction with the U.S. government. What would have to happen for a country like the Netherlands to pursue that course of action would also likely be just one symptom of a much more serious breakdown in relations with Washington. Doing this could easily prompt a cutoff in spare parts and other support, if that had not already occurred, which would leave jailbroken jets quickly bricked on the ground. To be clear, cracking the software would do nothing to mitigate the downstream impacts of being shut out from critical sustainment pipelines.

Spats between President Trump’s administration and certain U.S. allies have already created a degree of additional turbulence for the F-35 program, as evidenced by the ‘kill switch’ reporting last year. Most recently, trade disputes and other recent rifts in relations between Ottawa and Washington have led Canadian authorities to launch a review of their F-35 acquisition plans. There are broader questions now about the future of U.S. defense exports, especially in Europe, in light of other diplomatic rifts with Washington.

At the same time, despite his comments about the possibility of needing to crack the jet’s computer systems, Dutch Defense Minister Tuinman remained broadly supportive of the F-35 during the BNR Nieuwsradio podcast.

“Even if this mutual dependency doesn’t result in software updates, the F-35, in its current state, is still a better aircraft than other types of fighter jets,” Tuinman stressed, according to a machine translation of an accompanying story about the podcast from BNR.

Altogether, questions very much remain about just what ‘jailbreaking an F-35’ might look like in practical terms, and how that might impact the operational utility of the jets in the absence of support from the U.S. government and Lockheed Martin. At the same time, Tuinman’s comments do underscore larger issues surrounding the F-35 program, especially for foreign operators, many of which are not new.

Contact the author: joe@twz.com Joseph Trevithick Avatar Deputy Editor

Joseph has been a member of The War Zone team since early 2017. Prior to that, he was an Associate Editor at War Is Boring, and his byline has appeared in other publications, including Small Arms Review, Small Arms Defense Journal, Reuters, We Are the Mighty, and Task & Purpose.

F-35s undergoing maintenance. USAF