Remembering LTTE ‘martyr’ Thileepan on his 36th death anniversary

 

The 26th of September has become an important day in Sri Lanka ever since the then Prime Minister Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike (SWRDB) was assassinated in 1959. Bandaranaike who was shot by Talduwa Somarama Thera on 25 September, succumbed to his injuries the following day. September 26th however is of particular significance to a substantial number of Sri Lankan Tamils also. For it was on this day in 1987 that a senior member of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Thileepan died in Nallu after undertaking a fast unto death.

Although the Tigers have lost thousands of cadres during the many years it waged war against the Sri Lankan State, the death of Thileepan was entirely different from the deaths of other LTTE fighters. Thileepan’s demise was not due to direct violence but due to non-violent direct action. He engaged in a fast unto death protest on 15 September 1987 and died after 12 days of fasting without even drinking water. This was after the Indo-Lanka accord of 29 July 1987. The Indian army referred to as the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) was stationed in Jaffna then.

Thileepan’s fast and death has been etched into the collective memory of Tamils over the years. His death is commemorated on a wide scale every year. The period between 15 September and 26 September is marked with acts of memorialisation in many parts of Northern and Eastern Sri Lanka and also in many countries where there are substantial concentrations of Tamils.

Thileepan’s 36th death anniversary falls next week on 26 September 2023. It is against this backdrop that this column focuses on the LTTE “martyr” Thileepan in this two-part article. The first part will be about Thileepan the person and his role in the LTTE. The second will be on his death – fast and its aftermath.

Thileepan whose name was Rasiah Parthiban was born on 29 November 1964. His father Rasiah “Master” was a respected school teacher. Parthiban was the youngest of four children all boys. He lost his mother while an infant and was brought up by his father. The family hailed from Urelu a village about eight miles from Jaffna town in the Valigamam sector of the Jaffna peninsula.

Though Thileepan’s given name was Parthipan there is a mistaken impression that his real name was Amirthalingam. This is not correct. This mistake however arose due to many LTTE members themselves addressing Thileepan at times as Amirthalingam. Thus he was popularly referred to as Amirthalingam. Why was Thileepan called Amirthalingam?

This was because Thileepan was in charge of the LTTE’s political wing in Jaffna for a long time.  He was the Tiger political commissar for many years. Thus he was jocularly regarded as a “politician” and not a guerrilla by fellow Tigers. Since former Leader of the opposition and Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) Secretary-General Appappillai Amirthalingam was the most important and well-known Tamil political figure at that time, Thileepan was also nicknamed Amirthalingam. It was a name that stuck.

Rasiah Parthipan alias Thileepan was a student at the well-known northern educational institution Jaffna Hindu College. During his school days he was the Jaffna district champion in chess and participated in all-island competitions. He sat for his G.C.E. A/L and obtained very good results that qualified him for admission to the medical faculty in 1983. Rasiah Parthiban did not enter university. Instead he entered the world of armed Tamil militancy by joining the LTTE.

Ravindran alias Pandithar

Initially he was recruited as a helper. Later he began assisting Ravindran alias Pandithar in recruitment. Thileepan did not receive any military training in North or South India. He received arms training locally in Jaffna. In those days former Jaffna LTTE commander Pandithar was in overall charge of both the military and political wings. Sathasivampillai Krishnakumar alias Kittu and Rasiah Parthiban alias Thileepan were placed second-in-command of the military and political wings respectively by Pandithar.

After Pandithar’s death in 1985 Kittu became Jaffna commander. Thileepan was placed in charge of the political section. He was given a comparatively free hand by Kittu. Soon Thileepan became a well-known figure in Jaffna. He interacted well with people and had a flair for public relations.

Promoted as LT. Colonel

LTTE supremo Prabhakaran who returned to Jaffna from India in January 1987 was greatly impressed by Thileepan’s ability and dedication. The LTTE leader promoted Thileepan as Lt. Colonel, a rank reserved only for district commanders in the LTTE hierarchy earlier.

Prabhakaran also appointed Thileepan in charge of all the LTTE political offices in the entire north-east. Thileepan’s headquarters was at Potpathy road in Kokuvil. After the first “Black Tiger” Capt. Miller’s death at Nelliaddi on 5 July 1987, the political headquarters was named “Miller Office”. A few months later, Thileepan himself like Miller was to court death voluntarily in September.

Although Thileepan was in charge of the political wing for a lengthy period of time, he was not a person who avoided actual combat. It was Kittu’s contention that there should not be a strict divide between the fighters and the political activists. Kittu felt that it would result in unwanted jealousies among the cadres and also nurture an unhealthy tradition where the fighter cadre would be “mutts” and political cadres “cowards”. Thus Thileepan actively participated in many military operations and was injured several times.

Once in Anaikottai the army stopped his motorcycle. The unarmed Thileepan lashed out at the soldiers with his bag and ran away. The soldiers fired and injured his arm. While scrambling through a fence, he lost his verti. Thileepan identified himself to an Anaaikottai resident and borrowed a “salvai” (shawl) from him and strapped it around his waist. Even as he was running away the strap on his rubber slipper gave way and he discarded it.

Thileepan got away with an injury on his arm. About a year later Thileepan held a political meeting at Anaikotai. After the meeting was over, an old woman came up to him and gave him a bag. It was the old rubber slipper with the ruptured strap carefully stitched back by the woman who had preserved it for nearly a year. Such was the esteem Thileepan had among the people then.

Thileepan also received wounds on his back in a skirmish outside the Jaffna fort. He was injured a third time in an operation in Thondamanaru. He received serious injuries on his stomach. Later seven inches of his intestines had to be removed.

The Tiger political commissar also had a brush with death when the vehicle he was driving was fired upon by a helicopter. Although the vehicle was riddled extensively Thileepan escaped without a scratch in typical Chuck Norris fashion.

Political chief of Jaffna

During Thileepan’s tenure as political chief of Jaffna he adopted new methods with the consent and concurrence of Kittu. The Jaffna peninsula was sub-divided by Thileepan into 23 political divisions with each division headed by a political commissar. All the political commissars would meet every Sunday at different locations under Thileepan’s Chairmanship. Reviews and reports were presented and all issues would be thrashed out in detail.

Another feature adopted by Thileepan was the introduction of a system whereby the people could convey their complaints to the LTTE through complaint boxes installed in various parts of the peninsula. People with grievances could write them and toss them into the boxes. Even anonymous complaints were entertained.

The people of Jaffna availed themselves of this opportunity and submitted complaints about LTTE cadres too. Disciplinary inquiries were initiated and consequent action was taken against LTTE cadres as a result of these complaints. This was the first time that the LTTE submitted itself to a partial degree of accountability to the people at least.

The LTTE political chief also travelled extensively throughout the peninsula and staged mass meetings and group discussions. He spoke fluent Tamil in a colloquial jargon without rhetorical flourishes. He also had a sense of humour and quickly related to people.

Once at Neervely the residents held a rally in protest against the thefts in the area. They set up road blocks and prevented traffic. All the Tamil militant movements sent their representatives. While all the other groups denied involvement in the robberies, Thileepan won the people over by saying, “I am not going to lie to you because you all know who is responsible.” Neervely became an LTTE bastion after Thileepan’s speech.

enb-poster 24-09-23

LTTE publication “Kalaththil”

Thileepan also edited the LTTE publication “Kalaththil” (in the field). He also started a journal “Suthanthirap Paravaigal” (birds of freedom) for the LTTE women cadres. It was edited by the woman fighters. Thileepan was a powerful and prolific writer. He also played a prominent role in the affairs of the LTTE Radio and Television network in Jaffna.

Trouble shooting was another positive aspect of Thileepan. He was on more than one occasion the LTTE trouble shooter. Thileepan maintained good relations with the other groups. Whenever incidents of frictions arose it was Thileepan’s lot to meet with the other groups and iron out differences. This was in the earlier days when the top movements were near equal in strength. Later when the Tigers became more powerful all differences were resolved through the barrel of a gun.

Thileepan also participated in important political discussions. He was a key member of LTTE delegations led by Kittu participating in talks with different people such as SLMP leader Vijaya Kumaratunga, Yatiyantota UNP Parliamentarian Vincent Perera, Lt. Col. Jayantha Kotelawela and members of the Buddhist clergy.

When LTTE supremo Prabhakaran was taken by helicopter to India for talks with the then Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi prior to the Indo-Lanka accord, Thileepan also accompanied the Tiger leader. Later Prabhakaran and others including Thileepan went by an Indian Air Force plane from Madras to New Delhi.

Thileepan under the guidance of Kittu was also responsible for setting up a political party for the LTTE named People’s Front of Tamil Eelam. This was in 1986. Twisted information passed by LTTE stalwart “Basheer Kaka” along with unfair criticism levelled by Anton Balasingham led Prabhakaran to view the exercise with suspicion. Kittu was ordered to abandon the project and Thileepan was summoned to Madras for questioning.

Thileepan could not go to Madras then as ordered because he fell ill and was later injured in combat. In 1989 the same People’s Front political project planned by Thileepan in 1986 was formally adopted by Prabhakaran after talks with the Government headed by President Ranasinghe Premadasa. The LTTE registered a political party named “People’s Front of Tamil Eelam” (PFLT) with Mahendrarajah alias “Mahathaya” as President and Narendran alias Yogi as Secretary.

“Reverse gear” motor cycle

Despite his remarkable political acumen, Thileepan was incredibly naive in mundane matters. He was the target of many a leg-pull. One story is about how Thileepan was told that another Tiger Ravi’s motorcycle had been equipped with “reverse gear”. Little realising it was a joke, Thileepan had remonstrated with Kittu that his motorcycle too should have the same.

Incidentally Thileepan’s motorcycle was perhaps the worst maintained within the LTTE. Kittu who was a stickler for proper vehicle maintenance tolerated laxity in this regard only from Thileepan.

The Indo-Lanka accord and subsequent events greatly troubled Thileepan. He felt that the Tamils had been betrayed and that it was only a matter of time before the Indian Army cracked down on the Tigers. He felt that the Sri Lankan Tamil people should be made fully aware of the impending doom. Political activity as in the past was not possible because of the pervasive Indian presence and also other Tamil groups. So Thileepan thought of a revolutionary concept.

Non-violent action

Thileepan knew that a violent response to India was to invite disaster as the Tamil people themselves would not be in favour of it. So he decided to adopt a non-violent course of action against India. What happened next will be related in detail in the second part of this article. 

(The writer can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com.)

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Note: Second part of this article (N/A)

President Ranil Wickremesinghe addressed the UN General Assembly

PMD-The Island on 2023/09/22

President Ranil Wickremesinghe addressed the UN General Assembly in New York on Thursday (21)  on the theme “Rebuilding trust and reigniting solidarity” and its relevance to Sri Lanka’s recent challenges.

He mentioned how Sri Lanka faced significant social, economic and political challenges in the past year, including threats to democratic traditions but has managed to achieve a democratic transition.

He highlighted efforts made to stabilize the economy, including economic reforms and foreign assistance and said that his intention is to lead Sri Lanka towards sustainable recovery and growth, benefiting all segments of society and ensuring peace, prosperity and reconciliation.

The President also discusses the global geopolitical landscape, emphasizing the inter-connectedness of various challenges, such as climate change, debt and sustainable development. He stresses the need for international solidarity and climate finance, particularly for smaller, climate-vulnerable and debt-ridden countries.

President Wickremesinghe mentioned Sri Lanka’s commitment to climate action, including renewable energy goals, forest conservation and emissions reduction while expressing concern about the impact of climate change on food security, clean energy and livelihoods, emphasizing the urgency of mobilizing climate finance.

The President called on developed countries to fulfill their commitments, provide assistance and assume their share of responsibility, while underscoring the importance of restructuring the international financial system to address climate change and sustainable development.

Additionally, the President emphasized the need for reform in multilateral institutions like the UN, particularly the expansion of the Security Council’s composition and the importance of disarmament and the impact of global military expenditures.

Overall, the President’s speech highlighted the challenges faced both by Sri Lanka and the world, and  emphasized the importance of solidarity, climate action, disarmament and multilateral cooperation in addressing these issues.

Following is the full speech delivered by President Ranil Wickremesinghe at the 78th session of the United Nations General Assembly;

“Rebuilding trust and reigniting solidarity“ is an appropriate point of departure not only for reflecting on the challenges before the multilateral today, but also for reviewing developments in my own country, Sri Lanka, over the past year.

At this time last year, amidst multiple global crises, Sri Lanka was experiencing its most challenging period in recent times socially, economically and politically, which had a devastating impact on people’s lives.

Even our Democratic traditions were threatened by attempts to occupy our Parliament and bring it to a halt. Nevertheless, we succeeded in bringing about a democratic political transition, due to our deeply entrenched and resilient democratic traditions.

 Resorting to the re-graduation of Sri Lanka’s economy, coupled with the gift of fertilizer from the United States’ Government which led to a bumper harvest, has assisted us in ensuring stability during that period.

The reforms I have since initiated in the economic, financial, institutional and reconciliation fronts have been directed on the one hand towards rebuilding trust and confidence between the people and the government; and on the other, towards laying the foundation for economic stabilization and recovery. Sri Lankans are already witnessing the positive outcomes of these measures in their daily lives and the revival of confidence internally and externally in the progress of the country.

It is my intention to lead the country towards sustainable and stable recovery and growth which will benefit all segments of Sri Lankan society in all parts of the country, ensuring a future of peace, prosperity and reconciliation for the present and future generations of women and men. In reaching this goal, we will be accompanied by the support, trust, and solidarity of our own people and of the international community.

As we turn the corner towards the 80th anniversary of the UN and prepare for the Summit of the Future in 2024, we see the fragmented geopolitical landscape of a multi-polar world where new centers of global power have emerged.

Accompanying this systemic change, are, on one hand, great expectations of development and human progress with millions of people rising out of poverty to prosperity.

On the other hand, we see a world where former big power rivalries and geopolitical tensions have reignited in open war, overlapping with new theaters of conflict and tension on land and in the oceans. Security Alliances have expanded and recent arrangements have been formed to deal with strategic threat perceptions in old and new theaters of conflict. North-South divisions are widening with the digital divide, the financial and debt crisis and the energy transition. Contrary to the promise of 2030, today we are seeing levels of poverty and hunger not witnessed since decades.

Neutral, nonaligned countries of the global South such as Sri Lanka are once again constrained in-between new global power configurations facing those who not respect the sovereignty of our nations.

In numerous recent Declarations in the UN and beyond including at the G20 in Delhi, the BRICS in Praetoria and G7 in Hiroshima, we have agreed that our challenges are interconnected, across borders and all other divides. We must grasp the opportunity to unite in order to build an inclusive future.

It is an appropriate reflection of this current global predicament, that the theme of this year’s general debate is “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity”.

This year, in parallel with the UNGA, we have participated in three interrelated summits dealing with accelerating the SDGs, Financing for Development and Climate Ambition where we agreed that international solidarity and collective action is needed to address these simultaneously.

Cross-border financial impacts of crises such as climate change and the pandemic are impeding the ability of smaller indebted countries such as mine, to make progress on SDG’s and climate adaptation and mitigation. Conflicts and tensions among big powers are complicating the policy environment for the rest by adding uncertainty to economic and macro-financial stability, disrupting supply chains and causing inflation as well as food and energy insecurity.

Long before the SDGs, Sri Lanka had achieved high human and social development indicators which ranked us in a category well above other middle-income countries. Neither has Sri Lanka shirked its responsibility to the planet. Last year at COP27 we outlined our Climate Ambition Plan. We said that by 2030 we will have 70% renewable energy in electricity generation, increase forest cover by 32% and reduce greenhouse emissions by 14.5%. We will phase out coal by 2040, and reach net zero by 2050.

Our low carbon development trajectory gave us one of the lowest per capita carbon emission rates for a lower MIC country.

This year as a result of exogenous shocks and debt, the incremental progress we were proud to have reached has been reversed. Food inflation reached putting significant pressure on food security amongst vulnerable communities. At the same time children’s education and nutrition have suffered due to the pandemic and the economic crisis.

In parallel, last month in Sri Lanka we were grappling with the driest weather spell seen in recent years followed by torrential rainfalls.

Adverse climate outcomes spilling over onto our tight fiscal space just as we begin to stabilize from last year’s economic crisis. As a climate vulnerable developing country in debt crisis, the urgency to mobilize climate finance is greater today than it was ever before. However, despite promises made to which we were all witness, rich countries are not delivering to expectation.

Developed countries must do their part and fulfill what they agreed – assume their share of the common but differentiated responsibility, provide assistance for mitigation and adaptation and compensation for loss and damage.

National efforts alone will not suffice to ensure the success of the SDGs and reverse climate change. The need for global solidarity to restructure the international financial architecture is paramount. This is articulated loud and clear in multiple global fora including in G20, and the BRICS. The Secretary General’s SDG stimulus highlights the interconnections between the achievements of the SDGs, combatting climate change and the concrete interventions required by creditors sovereign and private, as well as by IFIs including to mitigate the debt crisis.

It is estimate that the 2008 financial crisis has cost the U.S. economy $4 trillion. Recent studies in the U.S. have stated that the impact of the pandemic on the U.S. economy from 2020 to 2024 would reach $14 trillion. These numbers would more than double if the rest of the global economy is added. We have not faced an economic crisis of this magnitude any time before in our modern history. The cost of World War 2 in today’s USD would amount to $4 trillion, and the Marshall Plan would be $ 150 billion.

This is the magnitude of the challenge before us. Therefore if we are unable to restructure the global fiscal order, then certainly we will fail in the struggle to reverse climate change and achieve the SDG goals.

There is still time for course correction as the crisis has not reached its peak. At the same time, the Paris Summit for a New Global Financing Pact will come up with the funding requirements.

Therefore, the Summit of the Future should not be crafting new programs, but re-structuring the present financial architecture to suit the needs of climate change and sustainable development.

This must be the priority of this General Assembly; we cannot afford to allow divisions to drive focus away from this crisis.

While key issues such as the Bridgetown Initiative and the necessity to address the debt of low-income countries are being discussed in this assembly, it is not commanding the attention it deserves. Unfortunately, the Security Council has failed to give priority to these connected issues of climate change, debt relief and sustainable development. This impacts the future of mankind. The survival of the planet must be our priority, we cannot afford to go into this war with a divided high command. The future of all species on the globe is dependent on our ability to put aside our rivalries until this crisis is solved.

Multilateral machinery which reflects the world of the past century needs to be reformed to meet the challenges of the present and the future, a machinery which has failed to find a solution to the longstanding Palestine question. The composition of the Security Council must be expanded to be representative of current global diversity and decision-making. In parallel, the role of the UNGA must be strengthened.

We are asking that the permanent members engage in a credible dialogue which will lead to a unified approach to combat these threats ahead of the next sessions.

While we seek solidarity and financing to alleviate poverty and climate challenges, global military expenditures have risen today to record levels reaching $2.24 trillion. This reflects the strategic trust deficit among the powerful, key arms control frameworks which were instrumental in maintaining system stability in the past have collapsed and nuclear conflict is once again under open discussion, potentially and apocalyptically triggered by autonomous control. We urge restraint in the increase of military expenditure which leads to escalation of conflict.

Developing countries have been the voice of sanity and reason in this regard for decades. In keeping with Sri Lanka’s longstanding position supportive of disarmament of WMD and nuclear weapons, this year Sri Lanka ratified the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. Yesterday, we acceded to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.

The war in Ukraine has far-reaching and severe financial and humanitarian repercussions on food, hunger and debt in all parts of the world including Sri Lanka. It is recalled that the UN Charter vests on powerful states in the Security Council the responsibility to maintain international peace and security and to deescalate rather than ignite conflict.

We need to halt the momentum where this and other big power tensions are spilling over into established areas of international rules-based cooperation forged over decades of multilateral negotiation, ranging from international trade to ocean governance.

This international system is today undergoing vast changes. At the same time, it is being confronted with unprecedented challenges. We come to the United Nations to demonstrate solidarity in arriving at common solutions. What is at stake is not the future of the United Nations, but of our planet as a whole. Member States will need to find new ways of working together despite the increasing mistrust that has permeated international relations.

We who have not been able to find a solution to the Palestinian question must now be able at least to find a solution to the questions which threaten the existence of the present global community.

This can be achieved through the willingness of the permanent members to work together in solidarity with the developing world. They must show the way”

President Wickremesinghe also extended his sincere condolences to the victims and families of the natural disasters that hit Morocco and Libya in recent days and pledged solidarity with Moroccan and Libyan friends during this difficult time.

(PMD)