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Monday, March 02, 2026

US-Israel attack on Iran threatens Sri Lanka’s hard gained recovery

EXPLAINER – US-Israel attack on Iran threatens Sri Lanka’s hard gained recovery

ECONOMYNEXT – As the sun rose over Colombo on February 28, 2026, the breaking news of a coordinated military strike by the United States and Israel against Iranian strategic assets sent a physical chill through the minds of thousands who are familiar with the economic impacts of such strikes in the past.

For a nation just beginning to breathe after the suffocating economic crisis of 2022, the flames in the Middle East are not a distant fire. They are a direct threat to the fuel, food, and family incomes of 22 million people.

Sri Lanka is currently in a “fragile waiting zone”.

While the latest February inflation data showed a dip to 1.6%, this geopolitical explosion threatens to blow those figures apart.

From the tea estates in the Central district of Nuwara Eliya to the expatriate dormitories of Kuwait, the island is now bracing for a double-edged crisis that could derail its hard-won stability.

Latest from the Middle East

The situation in the Middle East has escalated into uncharted territory.

Following weeks of shadow boxing, the direct kinetic engagement between the U.S.-Israeli coalition and Iranian infrastructure has effectively paralyzed the Strait of Hormuz, the world’s most vital oil artery.

Iran has signaled a crushing response, and proxy groups across Lebanon, Iraq, and Yemen have already begun retaliatory strikes on Western assets.

For Sri Lanka, which maintains delicate diplomatic ties with both Tehran and Washington, the conflict forces a perilous neutral stance while its economy remains highly sensitive to regional volatility.

The current situation in the Middle East has entered a period of unprecedented volatility following the massive, coordinated military operation by the United States and Israel against Iran.

Codenamed “Operation Epic Fury” by the U.S. and “Roaring Lion” by Israel, the strikes targeted several Iranian cities, including Tehran, Isfahan, and Qom.

The assault specifically aimed at dismantling Iran’s nuclear facilities, missile infrastructure, and political leadership.

U.S. President Donald Trump announced that the strikes were a preemptive move to eliminate “imminent threats,” and reports have circulated, though not yet officially corroborated by all agencies, that Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, was killed during the bombardment of his compound.

In immediate retaliation, Iran launched a wide-ranging wave of ballistic missiles and drones across the region.

Unlike previous conflicts, this response has bypassed traditional red lines, directly targeting not only Israel but also U.S. military bases and civilian infrastructure in Kuwait, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates.

Reports indicate drone and missile strikes near major transit hubs like Dubai International Airport and Kuwait International Airport, leading to widespread airspace closures and the suspension of commercial flights across the Gulf.

The geopolitical fallout has reached a critical flashpoint with the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, a vital artery through which 20% of the world’s oil supply flows.

International bodies, including the United Nations, have condemned the escalation, warning of a destruction on an unimaginable scale if hostilities do not cease.

For nations like Sri Lanka, this conflict represents a “system shock” that threatens to destabilize energy prices, trade routes, and the safety of millions of expatriate workers stationed throughout the Gulf.

Rising Oil Prices

The most immediate heart attack to the economy came from the energy sector.

Within hours of the attack, global Brent crude prices surged by over 7%, crossing the psychological US$90 barrier.

For the Sri Lankan layman, this translated instantly to the pump.

On February 28, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) announced a price hike: Auto Diesel rose by Rs. 4 and Super Diesel by Rs. 6.

Though the price hike was based on a predetermined fuel price formula and not related to the latest Middle East tension, it led to vehicle queues outside oil retailers in Colombo and some other towns across the country.

For Sri Lanka, the escalating Middle East tension poses a direct threat to national energy security, primarily through its impact on crude oil imports and global pricing structures.

Although Sri Lanka has diversified its sources for refined products like petrol and diesel, increasingly relying on India, Singapore, and Malaysia to reduce freight costs, the state-run Sapugaskanda refinery remains heavily dependent on Middle Eastern crude oil to maintain domestic production.

Any disruption to the Strait of Hormuz, a critical chokepoint through, would immediately jeopardize these shipments, potentially forcing the refinery to halt operations within approximately a month once existing reserves are exhausted.

While the Sri Lankan government claims to have 37 days of fuel stocks, the geopolitical risk premium means the next shipment will be exponentially more expensive.

This triggers a domino effect: when diesel prices rise, the cost of transporting vegetables from Dambulla to Colombo rises, and the proposed electricity tariff cuts for households are suddenly in jeopardy.

The Non-Food inflation, which was already creeping up at 2.3% in February, could spike now.

Beyond the physical supply of oil, the economic fallout for the average Sri Lankan is driven by the geopolitical risk premium that inflates global benchmark prices like Brent crude.

When global prices surge due to conflict, the state-owned CPC is often forced to implement price hikes to manage its import bills.

For a country already navigating a delicate post-crisis recovery, these external shocks threaten to reignite inflation and diminish the living standards of households that were just beginning to see price stability.

Booming Trade Threatened

Sri Lanka’s export sector, the engine of its recovery, is facing a logistical nightmare.

The escalating tension in the Middle East poses a significant threat to Sri Lanka’s trade balance, specifically affecting key commodities that serve as the backbone of its foreign exchange and domestic food security.

Because the Middle East is both a primary destination for Sri Lankan exports and a vital source of essential imports, any disruption to the safety of the Indian Ocean shipping lanes or the Strait of Hormuz acts as a tax on every transaction.

Tea is Sri Lanka’s most critical agricultural export to the Middle East.

Iran, Iraq, and the UAE are among the top buyers of low-grown tea, which is prized in the region for its strong flavor.

The conflict has caused the Iranian Rial to plummet and led to a freeze in new orders as Middle Eastern buyers face banking hurdles and currency instability.

If the Middle Eastern market contracts, thousands of smallholder tea farmers in southern Sri Lanka will face a collapse in prices, as there is no immediate alternative market capable of absorbing such high volumes of these specific tea grades.

As the most critical import, crude oil and refined petroleum products are the first to feel the geopolitical risk premium.

With likely increased war risk surcharges, the government will be forced to spend more of its limited foreign exchange reserves on oil, which in turn leads to domestic fuel price hikes, fueling inflation across all sectors.

Sri Lanka imports significant quantities of bitumen used for road construction) and other petroleum-based industrial chemicals from the UAE.

Regional instability threatens the logistics of these heavy commodities, which are expensive to transport.

Disruptions in importing these materials could stall national infrastructure projects and increase the cost of maintaining the country’s road network, further straining the national budget.

Beyond specific goods, the tension affects the Suez Canal route, which connects Sri Lanka to its major markets in Europe and the US.

As shipping companies reroute vessels around the Cape of Good Hope to avoid the combat zone, transit times for Sri Lankan apparel and rubber exports increase by 10 to 14 days.

These delays, combined with higher freight rates, make Sri Lankan products less competitive on the global stage, threatening the island’s hard-won export-led recovery.

Shrinking Job Markets

For decades, the Middle East has been the safety valve for Sri Lankan unemployment.

The escalating Middle East tension could cast a shadow of uncertainty over the Gulf region, which has traditionally served as the primary safety valve for Sri Lanka’s labour market.

With over 1.5 million Sri Lankans currently employed in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, the region is the single largest destination for the island’s migrant workforce.

A full-scale regional conflict, particularly one involving direct strikes on infrastructure in countries like Kuwait, Qatar, and the UAE, would likely lead to a hiring freeze as private sector projects stall and governments of these countries divert budgets toward defense and emergency readiness.

For many prospective Sri Lankan migrants, this means the petro-dollar dream is effectively on hold, as recruitment agencies in Colombo likely to report a sharp decline in new job orders from Gulf-based employers.

For Sri Lanka’s domestic economy, a contraction in Gulf job opportunities translates into a direct surge in youth unemployment.

The island’s youth already face significantly higher unemployment rates than the national average, and the ability to export this labour surplus has been crucial for maintaining social stability.

If the Gulf exit remains blocked, thousands of school leavers and graduates will be forced into a saturated domestic job market that is still in the early stages of recovery.

This bottleneck creates a pressure cooker effect; without the prospect of high-paying overseas work, the risk of brain drain to other regions increases, and social frustrations among the youth could reignite, potentially leading to the kind of civil unrest seen during previous economic downturns.

Furthermore, the tension threatens the re-integration of returning workers.

Should the conflict necessitate the mass evacuation of citizens, similar to the 1990 Gulf War crisis, Sri Lanka would face a double-edged crisis: the sudden loss of billions in remittances and the immediate need to provide jobs for hundreds of thousands of returning workers.

Many of these returnees possess specialized skills in construction, hospitality, and domestic services that the current Sri Lankan economy may not be able to absorb.

Consequently, the Middle East tension isn’t just a threat to those currently abroad; it is a structural threat to the career aspirations of an entire generation of Sri Lankans who view the Gulf as their primary path to financial independence and upward mobility.

If the conflict widens to include direct strikes on Gulf infrastructure, the massive labour market that absorbs nearly 200,000 Sri Lankans annually could contract overnight, leaving thousands of youth without the petro-dollar dream.

Remittances at Stake

Remittances are the lifeblood of the Sri Lankan economy, bringing in over US$6 billion annually. In 2025, it recorded a record over US$8 billion.

This money doesn’t just sit in banks; it builds houses in rural villages and pays for local school fees.

The risk here is humanitarian and economic.

The escalating tension poses a systemic threat to Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, primarily through the potential disruption of worker remittances.

If the conflict escalates, the primary concern shifts from sending money to saving lives.

Any large-scale evacuation of Sri Lankan workers from the Gulf would not only cost the state millions in repatriation expenses but would also permanently sever the monthly cash flow that keeps the Rupee stable against the U.S. dollar.

Currently, over 1.5 million Sri Lankans (nearly 7 percent of the population) are employed in the Gulf region, and the money they send home is the single most important source of foreign exchange for the island.

If the conflict widens to include direct strikes on infrastructure in countries like Kuwait, Qatar, and the UAE, it could lead to a massive displacement of these workers.

In a worst-case scenario, Sri Lanka would face a dual humanitarian and economic crisis: the need to evacuate hundreds of thousands of citizens and the simultaneous, permanent loss of the monthly cash inflows that sustain millions of rural households.

For the broader Sri Lankan economy, a sharp drop in remittances would be catastrophic for the post-2022 recovery.

Remittances act as a buffer that stabilizes the Sri Lankan rupee against the U.S. dollar.

Without this steady supply of foreign currency, the rupee would likely depreciate rapidly, making essential imports like fuel, medicine, and food exponentially more expensive.

This would reignite the cost-of-living crisis, undoing the progress seen in February 2026 where headline inflation had dipped to a manageable 1.6%.

The impact on debt repayment is equally severe.

Sri Lanka is currently navigating a delicate debt restructuring process under an IMF-supported program, which requires the country to maintain a specific level of foreign exchange reserves.

If remittance inflows, a primary pillar of these reserves, are severed or significantly reduced due to Middle East instability, the government may struggle to meet its international obligations.

A shortfall in foreign exchange would not only jeopardize future debt servicing but could also lead to a funding gap that delays the release of IMF tranches, potentially pushing the country back toward the brink of another sovereign default.

Tourism Could Suffer

Foreign travelers, especially from the West, are often deterred by regional instability, even if the conflict is thousands of miles away from Colombo.

The escalating Middle East tension could become a significant threat to Sri Lanka’s tourism industry, which has become the primary engine of its post-crisis economic recovery.

The Gulf region, specifically hubs like Dubai, Doha, and Abu Dhabi, serves as the critical transit point for over 60% of Sri Lanka’s high-spending tourists from Europe and North America.

With the closure of Iranian and Iraqi airspace and the suspension of flights by major carriers like Emirates, Qatar Airways, and Etihad due to safety concerns, the bridge connecting the West to the island is effectively broken.

For a tourist in London or Berlin, a flight that once took 11 hours with a seamless connection now faces indefinite delays or complex rerouting, leading to a wave of cancellations during what was expected to be a record-breaking winter season.

Beyond the logistics of transit, the tension impacts the high-spending segment directly.

Travelers from the Middle East itself, particularly from Saudi Arabia and the UAE, represent a lucrative market for Sri Lanka’s luxury villas and wellness retreats.

During times of regional conflict, these travelers tend to stay home or travel to ultra-safe short-haul destinations.

Furthermore, the global perception of regional instability often spills over; even though Sri Lanka is thousands of miles from the combat zone, Western travelers frequently perceive the entire Indian Ocean and Middle Eastern belt as a single risk zone.

This guilt by association can lead to a sharp decline in arrivals, regardless of the actual safety levels on the ground in Colombo or Galle.

The economic consequences of a tourism slump are immediate and severe.

Tourism is a fast-cash industry that brings in vital foreign exchange daily.

A drop in arrivals means lower occupancy for hotels, reduced income for thousands of tour drivers, and a decline in the Non-Food inflation relief the country was beginning to see.

As analyzed in the February 2026 inflation report, the economy is in a fragile waiting zone.

If the tourism sector, the country’s third-largest foreign exchange earner, stalls due to Middle East hostilities, the government will find it increasingly difficult to maintain the Rupee’s stability and fund essential imports, potentially sliding the country back into a cycle of scarcity and high prices.

Economic Slowdown

Ultimately, the Middle East tension represents a tax on recovery.

The Middle East tension threatens to derail Sri Lanka’s fragile economic recovery.

For a nation that recently emerged from a sovereign default, the Middle East is not just a geographical region; it is the primary source of its energy, the destination for its surplus labour, and a critical buyer of its exports.

The conflict acts as a multifaceted tax on the Sri Lankan economy, creating a perfect storm where rising import costs for oil and essential goods meet a sudden contraction in foreign exchange inflows from remittances and tea exports.

This imbalance puts immediate pressure on the Sri Lankan rupee, threatening to undo the price stability achieved in early 2026 and reigniting the cost-of-living crisis for millions of households.

From a growth perspective, the tension stifles both domestic consumption and international investment.

As the Central Bank observed in its February inflation 2026 report, core inflation was already trending upward at 3.7%.

The Middle East crisis accelerates this by forcing the government to maintain high interest rates to combat imported inflation, which in turn discourages local businesses from borrowing and expanding.

Furthermore, the global perception of regional instability often leads to a flight to safety by international investors, who may pause their commitments to Sri Lankan infrastructure and capital markets.

This environment of uncertainty makes it increasingly difficult for the country to meet the ambitious growth targets set under its IMF-supported recovery program.

Perhaps the most significant long-term risk to growth is the potential disruption to the Indian Ocean Trade Corridor.

As shipping companies reroute vessels to avoid the combat zone or face skyrocketing insurance premiums, Sri Lanka’s position as a maritime hub is challenged.

Delays in the arrival of raw materials and the export of finished garments make the manufacturing sector less efficient and more expensive. If the conflict remains protracted, the resulting economic friction could lead to a permanent loss of competitiveness, forcing Sri Lanka into a period of stagnation just as it was beginning to find its footing on the global stage.

For the layman, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake government’s promise of “system change” is being tested by a system shock from abroad.

Living standards, which were just beginning to plateau after years of decline, are once again under threat.

Sri Lanka is now in a defensive crouch, hoping that diplomacy can extinguish the fires in the Middle East before they burn through the island’s hard-won economic progress.

While the government cannot control the missiles in the Middle East, its ability to manage the secondary explosion of local prices will define the next year of Sri Lankan life.

It is a time for cautious budgeting and national resilience. (Colombo/March 1/2026)

Thursday, February 26, 2026

Indian PM ModiS Israel visit

From Gaza to defence: Five key takeaways from Indian PM Modi’s Israel visit

Indian PM throws his weight behind Israel’s Netanyahu even as genocide continues in occupied Palestinian territory.

Modi
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, right speaks with his Israeli counterpart, Benjamin Netanyahu, after paying respects before the eternal flame at the Hall of Remembrance during his visit to the Yad Vashem Holocaust Memorial Museum in Jerusalem on February 26, 2026 [Ilia Yefimovich/AFP]

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has wrapped up a two-day visit to Israel, which was marked by a welcoming embrace from his counterpart, Benjamin Netanyahu, and a conspicuous silence about Israel’s genocidal war in occupied Palestinian territory.

During the visit, which began on Wednesday, the two leaders lauded their strong friendship, which they said has deepened bilateral ties, and signed agreements on a range of issues, including innovation and agriculture.

“You are a great friend of Israel, … Narendra. You are more than a friend. You are a brother,” Netanyahu told Modi when both leaders addressed the Israeli parliament in Jerusalem on Wednesday.

Netanyahu showed Modi around Yad Vashem, a memorial in Jerusalem to the victims of the Holocaust, and hosted a dinner after they had spoken to the Knesset, where Modi was conferred with the parliament’s highest honour.

This was the second ever visit by an Indian prime minister to Israel after Modi’s first visit in 2017. That time, he also did not visit Palestine despite India’s long history of supporting the Palestinian cause.

While India opposed the creation of Israel in 1948 and formalised diplomatic relations only in 1992, relations between the two countries have improved since then, flourishing particularly since Modi became India’s prime minister in 2014.

Since then, their ties have blossomed, anchored in defence and the shared nationalistic leanings of their leaders.

Here are five key takeaways from Modi’s trip to Israel:

Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu greets Indian PM Narendra Modi during a special session of the Knesset
Netanyahu greets Modi during a special session of the Knesset on February 25, 2026 [Ronen Zvulun/Reuters]

Full support for Israel, silence on Gaza genocide

Wednesday was the first time an Indian leader had addressed the Knesset. Modi received a standing ovation after declaring: “India stands with Israel firmly, with full conviction, in this moment and beyond.”

Modi told the Israeli parliament that he carries “the deepest condolences of the people of India for every life lost and for every family whose world was shattered in the barbaric terrorist attack by Hamas on October 7” in 2023.

“We feel your pain. We share your grief. India stands with Israel firmly, with full conviction, in this moment and beyond,” he said. “No cause can justify the murder of civilians. Nothing can justify terrorism.”

The Indian prime minister referred to the Mumbai attacks in 2008, which New Delhi has blamed on neighbouring Pakistan, saying: “Like you, we have a consistent and uncompromising policy of zero tolerance for terrorism with no double standards.”

Modi also threw his weight behind United States President Donald Trump’s 20-point Gaza peace plan, stating that India “supports all efforts that contribute to durable peace and regional stability”.

While Modi said he backed “dialogue, peace and stability in the region”, he skipped any mention of the continuing genocide in Gaza, where the Israeli army has killed more than 72,000 Palestinians since October 2023.

Anwar Alam, a senior fellow at the Policy Perspective Foundation, a think tank in New Delhi, said the timing of Modi’s visit is “too poor and has grossly compromised India’s historical pro-Palestine stand”.

Alam argued that while New Delhi, a leader of the anticolonial nonalignment movement, can continue to maintain ties with Tel Aviv, “India cannot allow itself to display such insensitivity to Palestinian sufferings and stand with the coloniser.”

Modi
Modi signs the guestbook at Yad Vashem as Netanyahu and Dani Dayan, chairman of the Yad Vashem Holocaust Memorial Museum, watch on February 26, 2026 [Ilia Yefimovich/AFP]

Modi emphasises ‘civilisational ties’ with Israel

One reason Modi, unlike previous Indian leaders, has displayed such warmth towards the Israeli prime minister is the Indian Hindu right’s enthusiasm for the ideology of Zionism, analysts said.

Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has roots in a philosophy, Hindutva, which ultimately seeks to transform India into a Hindu nation and a natural homeland for Hindus anywhere in the world – similar to Israel’s view of itself as a Jewish homeland.

During his speech to the Knesset, therefore, Modi doubled down on what he called the “civilisational ties” between the two nations. He started his address to the Knesset by announcing himself as “a representative of one ancient civilisation addressing another”.

“We are both ancient civilisations, and it is perhaps no surprise that our civilisational traditions also reveal philosophical parallels,” he said, quoting the Israeli “principle of ‘tikkun olam’ about healing the world”.

“In India, there is great admiration for Israel’s resolve, courage and achievements,” Modi said. “Long before we related to each other as modern states, we were linked by ties that go back more than 2,000 years.”

Modi mused about “returning to a land to which I have always felt drawn”. “After all, I was born on the same day that India formally recognised Israel – September 17, 1950.”

While India formally recognised Israel in 1950, two years after its formation, it only established diplomatic relations with it in 1992.

India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi disembarks a plane as he arrives at Ben Gurion International Airport in Lod, near Tel Aviv, Israel February 25, 2026. REUTERS/Shir Torem
Modi disembarks as he arrives at Ben Gurion International Airport near Tel Aviv, Israel, on February 25, 2026 [Shir Torem/Reuters]

Deepening defence ties

These days, India is Israel’s largest weapons buyer, pumping billions of dollars into Israel’s defence industry each year. In 2024 as Israel waged its war on Gaza, Indian weapons firms sold Israel rockets and explosives, according to an Al Jazeera investigation.

On Thursday, Modi held talks with Netanyahu focused on further boosting ties in the areas of defence and security along with trade, technology and agriculture.

“We have decided to establish the Critical and Emerging Technologies Partnership. This will give new momentum to cooperation in areas such as AI, quantum, and critical minerals,” Modi said.

The two countries are also currently negotiating a free trade agreement.

Elevating strategic ties

India and Israel are reportedly inching closer to an alliance, along with other global powers, to boost security cooperation.

Before Modi’s visit, Netanyahu pitched a “hexagon of alliances” that he said would include India, Greece, Cyprus and other unnamed Arab, African and Asian states to collectively stand against what he called “radical” Shia and Sunni Muslim “axes” of adversaries in the region.

Modi has not confirmed this plan but did call for cooperation on multilateral projects, including the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) and the I2U2, consisting of India, Israel, the United Arab Emirates and US.

The IMEC envisions connecting India with the Middle East and Europe through an integrated rail and shipping corridor. The economic corridor would pass through India, the UAE, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Israel and Europe. It was unveiled in September 2023 during a Group of 20 summit in New Delhi.

“IMEC is very ambitious in bringing together these countries in ways that at one point would have been incomprehensible,” said Harsh Pant, vice president of the Observer Research Foundation, a New Delhi-based think tank. “Today, it has become possible because India’s footprint has grown in the Middle East and in Europe.”

Geopolitical analysts have referred to the I2U2 as “the West Asian Quad” in reference to the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, a forum of the US, Japan, Australia and India.

Modi also referred to the Abraham Accords, brokered by the US since 2020 for Gulf and North African countries to normalise relations with Israel, and “applauded your courage and vision”.

“Since then, the situation has changed significantly. The path is even more challenging. Yet it is important to sustain that hope,” Modi said.

modi
Netanyahu and Modi greet children in the Knesset during Modi’s two-day visit to Israel, aimed at deepening ties with a key trade and defence partner [Debbie Hill/Pool/AFP]

‘Dehyphenating’ India from Israel-Palestine

Pant said, like some Arab nations, India wants to dehyphenate its relations in the region to suit its own strategic interests better. Dehyphenation is a foreign policy under which a country aims to maintain independent relationships with nations that may be in conflict with each other.

“India’s own relationships have developed to a point where India is no longer hyphenating its relationships in the region,” Pant said.

Analysts argued New Delhi has bet on Israel for its own strategic interests, even if at Palestine’s expense. From the Indian government’s point of view, “this is the beginning of a new strategic imagination for the region,” Pant told Al Jazeera.

Modi remarked in his speech to the Knesset that many Indians have migrated to Israel for work, adding that Indian youth have contributed to the building of modern Israel, including “also on the battlefield”. Thousands of foreign nationals have served in the Israeli military, including nearly 200 soldiers who are dual citizens of India and Israel.

Modi, however, did not mention Colonel Waibhav Kale, a former Indian army officer who died in May 2024 when a United Nations vehicle was struck by the Israeli army in Gaza. He was the first international UN worker in Gaza to die in the war.

“India’s stance is clear: Humanity must never become a victim of conflict. A path to peace has been created through the Gaza peace plan. India has fully supported these efforts,” Modi said before departing on Thursday.

However, analysts said the divergence from earlier Indian support for Palestine is stark and India will not call out Netanyahu for war crimes in Palestinian territory.

While governments before Modi laid the foundations for current bilateral ties, Modi has brought “this relationship out into the open”, Pant said. “What used to be hush-hush behind closed doors is now a matter of fact.”

“India is trying not to make ties with Israel a hostage to the issue of Palestine,” he argued.

Azad Essa, the author of the 2023 book Hostile Homelands: The New Alliance Between India and Israel, said that earlier, India had positioned itself as a friend of Palestine “because it suited its national interests to be seen as pro-Palestine”.

Popular political forces in New Delhi have shifted that stance since then, however. Given the deep defence and security tie-up between Israel and India, Essa said, “It will be very difficult for opposition parties to promise a U-turn because being pro-Israel has become integral to the national interest.”

“To be pro-Palestine is now seen as being against the Indian national interest,” he said. Some have been detained and charged for expressing support for Palestine in India.

“India will have to become far more democratic and break out of the grip of majoritarian politics if it is to change more than just its tone on Palestine,” Essa told Al Jazeera. 

Tuesday, February 24, 2026

Why the 2002 peace process was the LTTE-S beginning of the end

The strategic paradox:

Why the 2002 peace process was the LTTE’s beginning of the end

16 February 2026 

Mirror AI Summary - Quick Read

The critics at the foundation institute argued that the LTTE was incapable of democracy. While their track record support this, the peace process offered them a “Golden Bridge” to retreat across. Had Velupillai Prabakaran possessed the foresight of the JVP (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna) - which transitioned from a violent insurgency to a ruling Democratic Party- the history of the North and East would be prosperity rather than blood

  • While experts on the ethnic crisis have dismissed the 2002 peace efforts as futile, a more clinical analysis reveals a different truth
  • The peace process acted as a “peace trap.” By engaging in talks, the LTTE was held to a higher standard of international scrutiny
  • In Military theory, a “Strategic Pause” is rarely about peace for the sake of peace; it is about changing the conditions of the battlefield. By 2002, the Sri Lankan State and the LTTE were in a “hurting stalemate”. However, the peace process orchestrated by Prof. GL Peiris shifted the conflict from the jungle to the negotiating table-a terrain where the LTTE was inherently disadvantaged
  • The 2002 Peace Process, facilitated by Norway, is viewed as a double-edged sword for the LTTE








The seminar held on February 12, 2026, at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute, organised by senior lawyer and respected political activist Shiral Lakthilake, provided a rare intellectual collision regarding the legacy of Prof. GL Peiris’ work: “The Sri Lanka Peace Process : An Inside View”.

Former Foreign Minister of
Sri Lanka G. L. Peiris addresses
the General Assembly at UN
Headquarters in New York

While esteemed panelists like Dr. Sarath Amunugama and Dr. Dayan Jayathilaka dismissed the 2002 peace efforts as a futile exercise with a “ruthless terrorist organization”, a deeper, more clinical analysis reveals a different truth.

The 2002 Peace Process, which was facilitated by Norway, is often viewed as a double-edged sword for the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). While it initially gave them international legitimacy and “co-equal” status with the government, it ultimately set the stage for their military defeat by triggering internal fractures and hardening the international community’s stance against them.

Strategic pause: Gaining the initiative

In Military theory, a “Strategic Pause” is rarely about peace for the sake of peace; it is about changing the conditions of the battlefield. By 2002, the Sri Lankan State and the LTTE were in a “hurting stalemate”. However, the peace process orchestrated by Prof. GL Peiris shifted the conflict from the jungle to the negotiating table-a terrain where the LTTE was inherently disadvantaged.

For the Sri Lankan Government, the peace process offered a critical window to:

Recuperate and Re-arm: Modernising the military hardware and intelligence apparatus.

The peace process effectively acted as a “peace trap.” By engaging in talks, the LTTE was held to a higher standard of international scrutiny that they struggled to meet.

  • The “War on Terror” Context: Post-9/11, the global climate shifted aggressively against non-state armed groups. The LTTE’s continued use of child soldiers and political assassinations during the ceasefire alienated their international backers.
  • Proscriptions: While the peace process was ongoing, major powers grew tired of LTTE’s intransigence. In 2006, the European Union officially designated the LTTE as a terrorist organization, following the lead of the US, India, and the UK. This choked off their diaspora funding and procurement networks.
  • The Washington Boycott: A symbolic turning point occurred in 2003 when the LTTE was excluded from a donor conference in Washington D.C. (as they were a banned group in the US). The LTTE withdrew from talks in protest, but this move only served to portray them as the “spoilers” of peace.

The “Dilemma” Tactic: It forced the LTTE to choose between a dramatic pathway (which threatened their totalitarian control) or returning to war (which would brand them as the aggressors)


Prof. G.L. Peiris (left) and Anton Balasingham

Internal fracture: The Karuna Factor

Perhaps the most significant military outcome of the peace process was the defection of Vinayagamoorthi Muralitharan known as Karuna Amman with thousands of cadres. In, 2004, as the commander of the Eastern Province and second in command to Velupille Prabakaran, Karuna represented the backbone of the LTTE’s fighting force.

The peace process allowed internal regional grievances within the LTTE to breathe. The Eastern cadres, who felt they were being used as “cannon fodders” for the Jaffna - centric leadership, utilised the period of relative calm to reassess their loyalties. The major impact was catastrophic for the LTTE for three reasons.

LOSS OF LAND MASS: The Eastern Province ( Ampara, Trincomalee and Batticaloa) is geographically massive. Losing control over Eastern province meant the dream of a “contiguous” Eelam was mathematically dead.

DEPLETION OF MAN POWER: The LTTE was split into three distinct Human Resources segments: Jaffna, Wanni, and the East. The loss of the Eastern cadres meant the LTTE could no longer sustain a two front war against a much larger Sri Lanka Army.

INTELLIGENCE GOLDMINE : The defection provided the Sri Lankan Military with unprecedented tactical intelligence regarding LTTE bunker lines, supply routes, and hidden caches.

The erosion of “will to fight”

The legacy of Prof. GL Peiris’ work: “The Sri Lanka Peace Process: An Inside View”
In Clausewitzian Military theory, the “will to fight “ is the centre of gravity for any insurgency. The peace process attacked this centre of gravity with surgical precision.

During the years of cease fire agreements (CFA), the LTTE cadres were exposed to a “normal” life for the first time in decades. Thousands of cadres entered the marriages and started families. While thus sounds like a humanitarian success, from a cold military- scientific perspective, it was the beginning of the end for their fighting spirit. 

“A soldier or terrorist with a child is no longer a soldier or a terrorist who seeks martyrdom; he is a soldier/ terrorist who seeks survival.”

The transition from a “suicidal and disruptive mentally” to a domestic one created a psychological conflict. When the fanatical zealots; it was a group of individuals who now had something to lose. The “willingness to sacrifice” was replaced by the “instinct to protect” one’s family, fundamentally weakening the LTTE’s asymmetric advantage.

Sri Lanka’s Government and Tamil Tiger rebels met for peace talks in the Norwegian capital, Oslo

Democratic opportunity missed

The critics at the foundation institute argued that the LTTE was incapable of democracy. While their track record support this, the peace process offered them a “Golden Bridge” to retreat across. Had Velupillai Prabakaran possessed the foresight of the JVP (Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna) - which transitioned from a violent insurgency to a ruling Democratic Party- the history of the North and East would be prosperity rather than blood.

The LTTE leader would have transitioned into a Chief Minister governing a legally recognised provincial administration. Instead, by rejecting the peace process’s Democratic concessions, the LTTE Proved to the global community that they were primary obstacle to peace, by justifying the total military solution that followed.

Conclusion: A success misunderstood

Many historians argue that the LTTE’s withdrawal from the peace talks in 2003 was their biggest strategic blunder, as it allowed the government to frame the subsequent military offensive as a “humanitarian rescue mission” against an “unreasonable” foe.

“To the civilian, a ceasefire looks like a halt. To an infantry officer, it looks like a preparatory phase. We didn’t just sit idle during the peace process; we used that time to sharpen the blade. We analysed our past failures, bolstered our ranks, and waited for the moment when the strategic landscape shifted in our favor. It was the silence between the storms that allowed us to gather the strength required to end the war permanently.”

The peace process led by professor GL Peiris was not a “waste of time”. It was the “Grand Strategy” that set the stage for the military victory. It achieved what bullets alone could not. It fractured the enemy from within, depleted their Human Resources through Karuna defection and rotted their fanatical “will to fight” through the introduction of domestic normalcy.

Sri Lankan government chief negotiator G. L. Peiris (R) sits next to his Tamil Tiger adversaries at the opening of peace talks in Thailand which were held from 16-18 September in 2002

(The writer is a battle hardened Infantry Officer who served the Sri Lanka Army for over 36 years, dedicating 20 of those to active combat. In addition to his military service, Dr Perera is a respected International Researcher and Writer, having authored more than 200 research articles and 16 books. He holds a PhD in economics and is an entrepreneur and International Analyst specialising in National Security, economics and politics. He can be reached at sirinimalb@hotmail.com)

Monday, February 23, 2026

அரச பயங்கரவாத சட்ட எதிர்ப்பு விழிப்புணர்வு

Repeal PTA! Withdraw PSTA!
NO
 Terror and Repressive Laws!


"பயங்கரவாதத் தடுப்பு சட்டம்” (PTA) மற்றும் "பயங்கரவாதத்திலிருந்து அரசை பாதுகாக்கும் சட்ட மசோதா" (PSTA) தொடர்பாக மக்களை விழிப்புணர்வு செய்யவும், அவர்களின் கருத்துக்கள் மற்றும் பரிந்துரைகளைப் பெற்றுக்கொள்ளவும் ஒரு நிகழ்ச்சி 2026 பெப்ரவரி 20 ஆம் திகதி யாழ்ப்பாணம் பொது நூலகத்தில் நடைபெற்றது.

நிகழ்ச்சியின் இறுதியில், “பயங்கரவாதத்திலிருந்து அரசை பாதுகாக்கும் சட்ட மசோதா (PSTA)க்கு எதிர்ப்பு தெரிவித்து கலந்து கொண்ட பொதுமக்கள் மனுவில் கையெழுத்திடும் நிகழ்வும் இடம்பெற்றது .

இந்த நிகழ்வில் பிரதேச சிவில் சமூக செயற்பாட்டாளர்கள், பல்கலைக்கழக மாணவர்கள், சமூக ஊடக செயற்பாட்டாளர்கள், மேலும் ஊடகவியலாளர்கள் ஆகியோர் கலந்து கொண்டனர்.

சட்டம்  மற்றும் சமூக நம்பிக்கை நிறுவனம் (LST) சார்பில், இந்த நிகழ்ச்சியானது “மக்கள் பாராளுமன்றம்” மூலம் ஏற்பாடு செய்யப்பட்டது.

=========



”‍ත්‍රස්තවාදය වැළැක්වීමේ පනත”‍ (PTA) සහ ”‍ත්‍රස්තවාදයෙන් රාජ්‍ය ආරක්ෂා කිරීමේ පනත් කෙටුම්පත”‍ (PSTA) පිලිබඳව ජනතාව දැනුවත් කිරීමේ සහ ඔවුන්ගේ අදහස්/යෝජනා ලබා ගැනීමේ වැඩසටහනක් 2026 පෙබරවාරි 20 දින යාපනය, මහජන පුස්තකාලයේ දී පැවැත්විණ. වැඩසටහන අවසානයේ “ත්‍රස්තවාදයෙන් රාජ්‍ය ආරක්ෂා කිරීමේ පනත් කෙටුම්පතට”‍ (PSTA) විරෝධය පළ කරමින් පැමිණ ජනතාව පෙත්සමක් අත්සන් කිරීම ද සිදු කරන ලදී. මේ සඳහා ප්‍රදේශයේ සිවිල් සමාජ ක්‍රියාකාරීන්, විශ්ව විද්‍යාල ශිෂ්‍ය / ශිෂ්‍යාවන්, සමාජ මාධ්‍ය ක්‍රියාකාරීන් මෙන්ම මාධ්‍යවේදීන් සහභාගී විය. නීතිය හා සමාජ භාරය ආයතනය (LST) වෙනුවෙන් මෙම වැඩසටහන සංවිධානය කරනු ලැබුවේ ”‍මහජන පාර්ලිමේන්තුව'' විසිනි.


Wednesday, February 18, 2026

Fears of renewed war Gaza welcomes Ramadan

 


Gaza welcomes Ramadan amid fragile ‘ceasefire’ and fears of renewed war

Despite displacement, Gaza families strive to create joy this Ramadan, navigating grief, scarcity, and fragile peace.


Maisoon al-Barbarawi's son hangs up a Ramadan lantern as the Gaza family tries to decorate its tent [Abdelhakim Abu Riash/Al Jazeera]

A boy hangs a lantern

Central Gaza Strip – At the Bureij refugee area in central Gaza, Maisoon al-Barbarawi welcomes the Islamic holy month of Ramadan in her tent.

Simple decorations hang from its worn ceiling, alongside colourful drawings on the fabric walls, prepared by camp residents to mark the arrival of the blessed month.

“We brought you decorations and a small lantern,” Maisoon tells her nine-year-old son, Hasan, smiling with an exhaustion tinged with joy at her ability to buy him a Ramadan lantern.

“My means are limited, but what matters is that the children feel happy,” Maisoon tells Al Jazeera, expressing cautious optimism about the month’s arrival.

“I wanted these decorations to be a way out of the atmosphere of grief and sadness that has accompanied us over the past two years during the war.”

Maisoon, known to everyone as Umm Mohammed, is 52 years old and a mother of two children.

“My older son is 15, and the younger is nine years. They are the most precious things I have.”

“Every day they are safe is a day worth gratitude and joy,” she says with pride mixed with fear, referring to the terror that has accompanied her throughout the war at the thought of losing them.

Like other Palestinians in Gaza, what distinguishes this Ramadan is the relative calm that has come with the current ceasefire, compared with the previous two years, when Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza, which has killed more than 70,000 Palestinians, was at its peak.

“The situation is not completely calm,” Maisoon explains. Everyone knows the war hasn’t truly stopped; shelling still happens from time to time. But compared to the height of the war, things are less intense.”

Maisoon participates in camp administration activities, helping prepare bread and arrange dates and water for distribution, minutes before the call to prayer on the first day of Ramadan.

“This is the third Ramadan we’ve spent in displacement. We lost our homes, our families, and many loved ones.”

“But here in the camp, we have neighbours and friends who share the same pain and suffering, and we all want to support one another socially.”

Maisoon lost her home in southeastern Gaza at the beginning of the war and was forced to flee with her husband, Hassouna, and their children, moving between camps before eventually settling in Bureij under what she describes as “very bad conditions”.

“We are trying to create life and joy out of nothing. Ramadan and Eid come and go, but our situation remains the same,” she says after a brief pause.

A husband and wife with their son in a decorated tent
Maisoon al-Barbarawi, her husband Hassouna, and their son, Hasan, as they prepare for Ramadan in Gaza [Abdelhakim Abu Riash/Al Jazeera]

‘Wounded from within’

Maisoon’s words fluctuate between optimism and fear, but she insists that Ramadan is “a blessing”, despite everything around her.

On the first day of Ramadan, she had not yet decided what she would cook for her family, as her limited means would only allow for a modest meal.

But she had already prepared her prayers and wishes before breaking her fast.

“I will pray that the war never returns. That is my daily prayer: that things calm down completely and that the army withdraw from our land,” she says, pointing to bullet holes in her tent caused by gunfire from an Israeli quadcopter drone days earlier.

Fear of the war’s return during Ramadan is not unique to Maisoon, but is shared by many across the Gaza Strip, who worry about a renewed escalation, similar to last year when fighting resumed on March 19, 2025, coinciding with the second week of Ramadan.

That renewed war was accompanied by the closure of crossings and a ban on food aid entering the enclave, triggering a severe food crisis and humanitarian famine that lasted until last September.

“People these days keep talking about stocking up. They tell us: store flour, store food… the war is coming back,” Maisoun says anxiously.

“Last Ramadan was famine and war at the same time. I spent all my money during the previous famine.”

“My little son used to pray for death because he craved food. Can you imagine?”

A man stands in a market
Al-Zawiya Market, one of Gaza’s most prominent central markets, is witnessing renewed commercial activity after a two-year war, as the holy month of Ramadan begins [Abdelhakim Abu Riash/Al Jazeera]

Bitter memories

Gaza enters this year’s Ramadan under a “ceasefire” that began on October 10, 2025.

That truce remains fragile, but reports from the World Food Programme (WFP) and the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) indicate a relative improvement in the availability of certain food items, compared with periods of severe escalation and closures.

Commercial activity has partially resumed, and aid has entered at a steadier pace, though the flow remains inconsistent and subject to restrictions and logistical obstacles.

Despite a broader range of goods appearing in markets, prices remain high, and purchasing power is severely weakened, with large segments of the population still reliant on humanitarian assistance to meet basic needs.

Many Palestinians in Gaza continue to rely on aid organisations to eat.

Hanan al-Attar is one of them. She received a food parcel from a relief organisation on the first day of Ramadan.

Opening the package with a broad smile, she celebrates its contents while her grandchildren gather around her.

“This is fava beans, halva, dates, tahini, oil, lentils, beans, spreadable cheese, mortadella, mashallah, an excellent parcel,” Hanan tells her daughter standing nearby.

“This will be perfect for tomorrow’s suhoor,” she says, referring to the predawn meal before Muslims begin fasting for the day.

Hanan, 55, is a mother of eight who fled to Deir el-Balah a year ago from Beit Lahiya in northern Gaza, one of the hardest-hit places by Israel during the war.

She tells Al Jazeera that she will have to depend on whatever aid arrives to sustain her during Ramadan, due to her difficult economic situation.

“Today, thank God, we received assistance. This will ease my worry about what we will break our fast with,” says Hanan, who shares a tent with 15 family members, including children and grandchildren.

Smiling, she admits she secretly set aside a small amount of money to prepare a tray of potatoes with minced meat and rice for the first iftar.

“I saved a small amount to buy a kilo of meat tomorrow. Fasting requires protein,” she says in a low voice, noting that preparing a meal now depends entirely on what is available that same day, as storage conditions are nearly non existent.

“As you can see, there is no electricity, no infrastructure, no refrigerators to store vegetables or meat if we buy them.”

“We purchase what we need day by day so the food does not spoil.”

Yet the other side of Ramadan for Hanan is measured not by preparation but by those absent from the table.

Tears fill her eyes as she mentions her two sons in their late twenties who were killed in a strike last year, one leaving behind a daughter not yet two years old.

“This is the first Ramadan after the martyrdom of my sons Abdullah and Mohammed,” she says through tears.

“You feel the emptiness. It’s hard. When the family gathers and members are missing, you feel deep pain.”

A woman sorts through cans from an aid package
Hanan al-Attar is happy to receive a precious aid package at the start of Ramadan in Gaza [Abdelhakim Abu Riash/Al Jazeera]

Cooking in the tent: Fire, wind, and plastic

Still, Hanan’s sorrow is briefly interrupted by the practicalities of preparing the cooking space.

“Unfortunately, Ramadan hasn’t changed our reality. We’ve been cooking over open fire for two years. The wind blows out the flame, and my son tries to shield it with plastic.”

She relies on firewood due to prolonged shortages of cooking gas.

“I managed to fill an eight-kilo gas cylinder two months ago and refused to use it until Ramadan,” she says, pulling out the hidden cylinder.

“Gas is like treasure for us. I planned to save it for suhoor or something quick. It would be difficult to light a fire at dawn.”

“In the end, everything passes. What matters is that we remain together in health and safety, and that we do not live through famine or war again,” she adds, her voice shifting to prayers for peace.

The memory of famine further deepens her anxiety.

She repeats the word “difficult” as she recalls the months when prices soared and food disappeared after last Ramadan.

She describes grinding lentils to replace flour and mixing them with pasta or rice to feed as many family members as possible.

To make the bread stretch, she cut it into smaller portions.

“I make it smaller, so it’s enough for everyone.”

And yet, her final wish, repeated like a prayer, echoes what many in Gaza seek this Ramadan: nothing more than “goodness and peace”, and a return home from displacement.

“May this Ramadan be one of goodness and peace for everyone… and may we return to our homes and our land.”

Tuesday, February 17, 2026

இலங்கைக் கடலில் 25 இந்திய மீனவர் கைது

இலங்கைக் கடலில் 25

இந்திய மீனவர் கைது

எம்.யூ.எம்.சனூன் Tamil Mirror 2026 பெப்ரவரி 16 

இலங்கை கடற்படை, ஞாயிற்றுக்கிழமை (15) இரவு மற்றும் திங்கட்கிழமை (16) அதிகாலை, யாழ்ப்பாணம் காங்கேசன்துறை பகுதிக்கு அருகில் உள்ள இலங்கை கடற்பரப்பில் ஒரு சிறப்பு தேடுதல் நடவடிக்கையை மேற்கொண்டது.

இதன்போது உள்ளூர் கடற்பரப்பில் சட்டவிரோத மீன்பிடி நடவடிக்கைகளில் ஈடுபட்ட இந்திய மீன்பிடி படகுகள் இரண்டை கைப்பற்றி இந்திய மீனவர்கள் 25 பேரை கைது செய்துள்ளனர்.

கைது செய்யப்பட்ட இந்திய மீன்பிடி படகுகள் மற்றும் இந்திய மீனவர்கள் மேலதிக சட்ட நடவடிக்கைகளுக்காக யாழ்ப்பாணம் மைலடி மீன்வள ஆய்வாளர் அலுவலகத்தில் ஒப்படைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளனர்.


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