Modi’s Colombo Mission: Security, Energy, and a Strategic Reset
Ceylon Today -April 11, 2025
By Sulochana Ramiah Mohan
Indian Prime Minister Modi’s fourth visit last week expressed his commitment to safeguarding the national interests of both India and Sri Lanka, particularly in the security and energy sectors. This agreement comes after nearly four decades of strained relations, stemming from India’s intervention during Sri Lanka’s civil war in the late 80s. The visit showcased India’s concerted efforts to reset its strategic influence in Sri Lanka, a country whose leadership, until recently, had shown resentment towards India.
Modi arrived in Colombo directly from Thailand, accompanied by senior officials, including Minister of External Affairs S. Jaishankar, National Security Adviser Ajit Doval, the Foreign Secretary, and other key government representatives. Modi’s arrival marked a shift, with the NPP Leader offering India what it sought, while securing Sri Lanka’s own priorities, and ultimately concluding as strategic partners.
Indian security takes charge of PM Modi’s safety
Prime Minister Modi came to ink strong defence and bilateral agreements with Sri Lanka, accompanied by prominent members of his Office, which he always used to do. But the large Indian security contingent is particularly noteworthy this time. The security detail, which accompanied him throughout his stay and ensured his protection until his departure on Sunday, evoked strong memories of previous Indian leaders’ visits to Sri Lanka that took place some decades ago. The heightened security measures were most noticeable in Colombo and along the routes leading to Anuradhapura, with widespread road closures and a considerable deployment of personnel, including Indian commandos, members of the Tri-Forces and several intelligence officers who had arrived ahead of his visit.
The unprecedented security measures sent a clear message. The scale of the security presence was crucial for Modi, given his prominent role in global politics and his importance as a regional leader. At the same time, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), a party rooted in leftist ideology that had historically struggled to gain popular support and once maintained a contentious stance towards India, may have contributed to the heightened security, suggesting a lingering trust deficit that India has towards the current ruling party. However, defying expectations, the Dissanayake-led Government redefined its relationship with India over the two-day visit and expressed its commitment to embracing closer ties with New Delhi.
The chemistry between the two leaders were indeed good, creating a positive atmosphere. Modi, with his father-figure persona, has attracted many leaders, including US President Donald Trump. This bond with Sri Lanka marks a new chapter in Sri Lanka-India ties, one better defined by strategic alignment rather than ideological division or past discord.
The Indian security presence in Sri Lanka under Modi’s leadership can also be attributed to escalating gun violence, a series of murders—some involving Army deserters—brutal attacks by gangsters, and ongoing security lapses related to the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks, which Sri Lanka is still struggling to resolve. India, which had tipped off Sri Lanka about the attacks, has yet to see the culprits brought to justice, as sought by the victims’ families. This may have prompted India to adopt a calculated and cautious approach too.
Several regional leaders have visited Sri Lanka in the past, but the level of intense security surrounding Prime Minister Modi’s visit was unprecedented. Even during Sri Lankan President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s visit to India last December, security arrangements were far more routine and low-key in comparison. Modi’s two-day visit to Sri Lanka was widely discussed, particularly for the heavily guarded motorcade, which included Indian commandos and personal security officers, all managed by India’s own security command.
Notably, factions such as the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), historically opposed to Indian involvement in Sri Lanka, have been a concern for Indian security agencies till late. The JVP’s past confrontations with Indian forces and its alignment with Chinese interests could have also added to this Indian security dynamics.
In light of these complexities, India also deployed four Mi-17 helicopters as part of the Prime Minister’s convoy in Sri Lanka, accompanied by about 100 Indian Air Force personnel. Additionally, the Indian Naval Ship (INS) Sahyadri, a 143-metre frigate manned by a crew of 320, was docked in Colombo, coinciding with Modi’s State visit. During their visit, the crew of INS Sahyadri participated in events hosted by the Sri Lanka Navy aimed at strengthening bilateral ties, the Indian Government said.
Strict security measures were in place in both Colombo and Anuradhapura. A large contingent of Police and STF personnel was deployed for security and traffic control.
Anti-India sentiments
It’s important to draw a parallel to a significant incident in 1987, when the late Prime Minister of India, Rajiv Gandhi, visited Sri Lanka. During that visit, Sri Lanka Navy sailor Vijitha Rohana Wijemuni attempted to strike Gandhi with a Lee–Enfield rifle during a guard of honour. Although Gandhi ducked and the rifle made contact, he was not seriously injured. This incident became a major diplomatic embarrassment for both Sri Lanka and India, leaving a lasting stain on Indo-Sri Lankan relations. In contrast, Modi’s visit was carefully orchestrated—he was kept at a distance during the guards of honour, meeting only the Army and Air Force guards in Colombo and Anuradhapura, while the Sri Lanka Navy was notably absent. This absence is significant, especially considering the ongoing confrontations between the Sri Lanka Navy and Indian fishermen at sea, which have repeatedly angered the Indian Government. Alleged assaults have prompted India to summon the Sri Lankan Envoy in New Delhi in the recent past to express its displeasure.
In light of such past events, Modi’s security detail in Sri Lanka was exceptionally stringent. Reports indicate that nearly 6,000 Sri Lanka Police officers, including specialised units, were deployed to ensure his safety during the visit.
NPP aligning as a strategic partner of India
Perhaps most striking was the NPP Government’s apparent shift in stance, as it extended a warm welcome to the Indian Prime Minister. This gesture is particularly significant given the JVP’s historical opposition to India’s involvement in Sri Lanka’s internal affairs. In the 1980s, the JVP-led campaigns against the Indo-Lanka Accord, which led to the deployment of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in Sri Lanka. Their past actions included anti-India propaganda, strikes, and boycotts of Indian goods, all of which reflected deep-seated nationalist sentiments.
This shift in the JVP’s approach has contributed to a broader political realignment, with many local political parties now viewing ties with India as crucial for Sri Lanka’s growth. Recently, the JVP has moderated its previous anti-India rhetoric, adapting to changing regional dynamics. Under Dissanayake’s leadership, the Party has softened its stance, recognising the need to adjust to the prevailing geopolitical landscape.
Resetting friendship
The warm reception extended to Modi and his team not only reflects the JVP’s evolving political strategy but also highlights the changing landscape of Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, gearing for cooperation and engagement with neighbouring countries.
In an interview with Ceylon Today prior to their victory in both the Presidential and General Elections last year, NPP’s Vijitha Herath, then campaigning for election, made a strong statement: “Without India’s support, or bypassing India politically or economically, little can be achieved by Sri Lanka,” he added.
President Dissanayake had to reset his relationship with India, and he successfully aligned with Modi and his team, overcoming past tensions. The message was clear when he spoke at the official dinner reception held at the President’s official residence in Colombo for the Indian leader. He said Modi has demonstrated his recognition of Sri Lanka’s deep-rooted connection with India, highlighting the strong ties between the two nations over the past four years. He also praised Modi not only as a regional leader but also as a major player in global geopolitics.
Further emphasising the importance of India’s rise as a global power, President Dissanayake stated that Sri Lanka wholeheartedly welcomes this development. “We always offer a warm welcome to guests visiting Sri Lanka, and our friends across the Palk Strait are particularly close to our hearts,” the President recalled. He added that Sri Lanka, with its warm and welcoming people, looks forward to even more visits from India, affirming that the country is always eager to say, “Come again.”
Defence pacts
Before Modi’s departure, both leaders signed an MoU on defence cooperation, marking a major step in strengthening bilateral ties. The agreement outlined key areas of defence collaboration, starting with an institutionalised defence pact. It establishes a structured framework for military engagements, which includes joint exercises, maritime surveillance, capacity building, and humanitarian assistance operations. This structured approach ensures ongoing collaboration and helps maintain a robust defence relationship between the two countries. It was stated that the defence pact is valid for five years and can be terminated at any time with three months’ notice. The Sri Lankan Cabinet has given its approval.
Another significant aspect of the MoU is Defence industry collaboration, which opens avenues for cooperation in the defence industrial sector. This includes support for defence equipment and training opportunities for Sri Lankan officers at Indian institutions. Such collaboration is expected to enhance Sri Lanka’s defence capabilities while further strengthening ties between the two nations.
The pact also emphasises port calls and maritime security, highlighting increased Naval port calls and enhanced cooperation in maritime security. India will monitor Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) as China competes for mineral resources, as noted by senior defence journalist Ajay Banerjee, who spoke on Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka and the security pact. He also mentioned that, following the 2008 Mumbai attacks, India installed a coastal chain of radars in Sri Lanka, which is linked to India’s network to monitor the Indian Navy’s activities in the Indian Ocean. This system provides real-time information to India, enabling a rapid response in times of crisis. With the new security pact, India has stated that it will send any number of Naval ships to Sri Lanka and its EEZ.
Additionally, there is a maritime rescue centre in Colombo, funded by the Indian Government. In 2023, the last Chinese research ship docked in Colombo, prompting vehement protests from India, leading to a ban on such vessels entering Sri Lanka. India also converted loans into grants to assist Sri Lanka during its financial instability.
When asked about a potential shift in foreign policy under the Dissanayake Government, Banerjee acknowledged that such a shift is indeed taking place. Given the strategic importance of the Indian Ocean for regional stability, both countries recognised the necessity of strengthening their maritime security cooperation to address shared concerns.
Moreover, President Dissanayake reassured India that Sri Lanka’s territory would not be used in ways that could undermine India’s security.
The defence agreement is also viewed as a strategic move to counter China’s influence in Sri Lanka. India aims to balance this influence while ensuring regional stability. The defence pact also covers energy, digital infrastructure, and economic collaboration. Notably, a trilateral agreement between India, Sri Lanka, and the UAE seeks to develop Trincomalee as an energy hub. Additionally, the two countries have agreed to undertake renewable energy projects, including solar plants and rooftop systems for religious centres.
Partners in the end
Modi’s visit is seen as a necessity for the NPP to align with India, as well as a continuation of diplomatic ties and the strengthening of relations under India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy. Sri Lanka awarded India’s highest civilian honour, the Mitra Vibhushana medal, in recognition of Modi’s contributions to bilateral relations.
During Modi’s last visit, he visited the Nallur Temple in Jaffna to seek blessings, and this time, he paid a visit to the Anuradhapura Sri Maha Bodhi. He also announced that India would assist in the renovation of the highly revered Thirukoneswaram Temple in Trincomalee. This gesture of respect seems to strike a well-balanced tone that both Buddhism and Hinduism have their roots in India. Additionally, the Ram Setu (Rama’s Bridge) holds religious significance in both countries.
After concluding his Sri Lanka visit, Modi flew to Tamil Nadu from the Anuradhapura Air Force Base to inaugurate the highly advanced, AI-operated Pamban Bridge. He praised the strong historical and cultural connection between Sri Lanka and India, especially the Ram Setu. The Sri Lankan Government gazetted the Anuradhapura Air Force Base—a domestic airport—as an international airport for a single day, Saturday, 5 April, to facilitate the departure of Indian Prime Minister Modi in a helicopter along with three other helicopters carrying Indian security personnel.
Upon his arrival in Tamil Nadu, an impressive security detail of 3,500 Police personnel was deployed for Modi’s protection on land. Additionally, 300 Tamil Nadu Coastal Police officers were stationed on boats offshore, along with two outer layers of security provided by the Coast Guard and the Indian Navy.
So, the JVP-led NPP Government seems to have learned—perhaps at the right time—what psychologists might call a “Freudian slip” in the realm of politics: they went full-scale with anti-Indian rhetoric during their campaign for power, failing to distinguish between local politics aimed at the gallery and broader geopolitical realities. While the anti-India campaign may have helped them gain victory, Modi ‘changed the course of action’.
The final shot couldn’t have been called by India alone—not when the US, the IMF, and like-minded governments are also in the picture. Together, they appear to have tamed the NPP, nudging it away from its confrontational stance. In many ways, it’s a calculated effort to preserve the traditional style of politics and ensure regional stability. However, the true test will be how long the NPP continues to align with India, as the ‘dragon’ remains ever-present, ready to slither in.ℹ
