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Thursday, January 09, 2025

‘Completely Dry’: How Los Angeles Firefighters Ran Out of Water

Pic:New York Times

By Ian James, Matt Hamilton and Ruben Vives

Jan. 9, 2025 Los Angeles Times

As crews have fought the fast-spreading fires across the Los Angeles area, they have repeatedly been hampered by low water pressure and fire hydrants that have gone dry. These problems have exposed what experts say are vulnerabilities in city water-supply systems not built for wildfires on this scale.

The water system that supplies neighborhoods simply doesn’t have the capacity to deliver such large volumes of water over several hours, said Martin Adams, former general manager of the Los Angeles Department of Water and Power.

“The system has never been designed to fight a wildfire that then envelops a community,” Adams said in an interview with The Times.

The limitations of local water systems complicated firefighting efforts in Pacific Palisades, where scores of fire hydrants were left with little or no water, and in Altadena and Pasadena, which are served by different utilities and where firefighters say they have grappled with low water pressure.

The local water supply system in the Palisades area is designed to flow with enough gallons a minute to fight a house fire or a blaze in apartments or commercial buildings, Adams said. “Then you have a massive fire over the whole community and you have 10 times as many fire units, all pulling water out of the system at once.”

When a wildfire erupts, L.A. fire crews often turn to using aircraft to drop water and fire retardant.

But while the flames were spreading rapidly on Tuesday and Wednesday, officials temporarily grounded water-dropping helicopters because of the extraordinarily strong Santa Ana winds, making crews more dependent on the limited water systems on the ground.

To help, city officials sent tanker trucks to supply water for crews in areas where supplies were limited.

The firefighting efforts put the area’s water system under tremendous strain and “pushed the system to the extreme,” with four times the usual water demand for 15 hours, said Janisse Quiñones, DWP’s chief executive and chief engineer. She said the hydrants rely on three large water tanks with about 1 million gallons each. Hydrants functioned at lower elevations, but in hillier areas like the Palisades Highlands — where the storage tanks hold water that flows by gravity to communities below — they ran dry.

The DWP and city leaders have faced criticism from residents as well as Rick Caruso, the developer and former mayoral candidate, who blamed “mismanagement” and old infrastructure.

Water researchers said, however, that the infrastructure limitations are a common feature of many urban water systems.

“Local water systems are usually designed to fight local, small-scale fires over a limited time period,” said Kathryn Sorensen, director of research at Arizona State University’s Kyl Center for Water Policy. “They are not generally designed to fight large, long-lasting wildfires.”

The limitations raise several questions: As fires grow larger and more intense in the West, should storage tanks and other local water infrastructure be expanded to contend with them? Where? And at what cost?

Sorenson said that utilities need to consider how much water-storage capacity to develop in neighborhoods on the urban fringes.

“Given the known risk of wildfire in these hillsides, it is fair to question whether more water storage should have been added in previous years and months,” she said.

The existing water system in Los Angeles has “severe limits,” said Gregory Pierce, director of the UCLA Water Resources Group. “At least the way we’ve always built systems and wanted to pay for systems, you can’t really expect systems, even like DWP’s, to be prepared for this.”

The scale of the fires has surpassed previous L.A. fire disasters. The Palisades fire swelled rapidly and has destroyed more than 5,000 homes and other buildings, and the Eaton fire in Altadena and Pasadena has damaged or destroyed an additional 4,000-5,000 homes and other buildings.

The causes that sparked these and other fires are under investigation.

The fires erupted following a stark shift from wet weather to extremely dry weather, a bout of climate whiplash that scientists say increased wildfire risks. Research has shown that these abrupt wet-to-dry swings are growing more frequent and intense because of human-caused climate change. Scientists have found that global warming is contributing significantly to larger and more intense wildfires in the western U.S. in recent years.

DWP, which has sent water tanker trucks to help firefighters, said the intensity of the fires disrupted its contingency plans. The utility’s crews had limited access to the three storage tanks in the Palisades, and in one case DWP crews attempting to reroute water to refill a tank had to be evacuated, officials said.

DWP has urged all customers, especially those on the Westside, to conserve water to help in prioritizing supplies for firefighting.

In Altadena, firefighters encountered similar problems with low water pressure as they tried to slow the spread of the Eaton fire. Pasadena Fire Chief Chad Augustin said having dozens of fire engines battling multiple fires resulted in overuse of the water system.

“On top of that, we had a loss of power temporarily,” which affected the system, he told reporters Wednesday.

Even if the crews had had more water, however, “with those wind gusts, we were not stopping that fire last night,” Augustin said. “Those erratic wind gusts were throwing embers for multiple miles ahead of the fire, and that’s really what caused the rapid spread of the fire.”

He said such water constraints are to be expected when faced with such a major wildfire in an urban area.

“It’s very common in a city when you have that big of a fire with that many resources, we’re going to tax our water supply and water system,” Augustin said. “And if you have a loss of power which may impact the pressure, it’s going to make it even worse.”

Firefighters began communicating over the radio about fire hydrant problems Tuesday night, just hours after the Eaton fire erupted.

“I have some water issues pretty much east and west, and the entire north end of the fire,” one firefighter said over the radio.

“We’re getting water to work on it,” a dispatcher responded.

The problems that firefighters reported in parts of Altadena occurred in neighborhoods served by two small suppliers, Rubio Cañon Land and Water Assn. and Lincoln Avenue Water. Representatives of those suppliers couldn’t be reached for comment.

The Eaton fire broke out in an adjacent area supplied by Kinneloa Irrigation District, and the flames caused minor damage to a generator, which has since been fixed, said Tom Majich, the district’s general manager.

Despite that damage, the district supplied water for firefighters using backup generators and borrowing water from Pasadena Water and Power, Majich said.

“All of our pumps were operational,” he said. “We were pumping water throughout the entire event.”

He said the district’s success in keeping water flowing was due partly to lessons learned from the Kinneloa fire in 1993, when a lack of generators and power outages kept water from fire crews. This time, he said, his district had its system ready for the emergency. But he added that problems occurred in other areas due to the limitations of infrastructure.

“To fight a wildfire, you have to have Lake Havasu behind you,” he said. “You could fill a Rose Bowl with water and it wouldn’t be enough water.”

“There’s not a system that can do it,” he said.

Topography is also a factor in communities where water is pumped from the valley floor up to hilltop storage tanks.

Sorensen said any water utility that serves an area with large differences in elevation will have similar limitations. Engineers plan water systems with pressure zones in increments of 100 feet of elevation. A place like Pacific Palisades, for example, rises from sea level to over 1,500 feet.

In Phoenix, for comparison, the city supplies water in a vast territory with many hills and mountains, and has nearly 80 pressure zones, Sorensen said.

“Phoenix’s largest pressure zone is massive and the storage capacity in it is such that Phoenix could fight multiple fires for a very long period of time without running out of pressure for fire hydrants,” she said. “Other pressure zones are very small and serve only a few customers, sometimes less than a dozen. Storage in these pressure zones will be much smaller and there likely wouldn’t be enough stored water to fight more than one small house fire.”

Although decisions about infrastructure investments are often driven by population, wildfire risks in hillside zones are another factor for utilities to consider in building water-storing infrastructure, Sorensen said. In the L.A. area, she said, it would have been very expensive to develop additional storage “adequate to mitigate or even fight the wildfires in these higher-elevation pressure zones, but right now I’d imagine most people in L.A. would say it would’ve been worth the cost.”

Pierce said there could be ways of investing in the local infrastructure to expand water capacity for firefighting in Pacific Palisades if residents in the area were willing to pay the high cost of such investments.

“It’s going to come at great cost,” he said. And he added that such additional water storage might not have stopped a fire of this size and intensity anyway.

Pierce pointed out that these types of water problems have happened during previous fires in Malibu and other areas, where firefighters encountered dry hydrants and turned to using swimming pools or scooping water from the ocean.

“Whether there’s a near-term future where we could and should do more, and a long-term future where you could think about doing a lot more, at incredibly high cost, those things are on the table,” Pierce said.

Adams, DWP’s former general manager, said the gap is growing between what the L.A. water system was built for and the dangers of massive, fast-moving fires.

“The urban interface is changing and we’ve designed for classic fires, not a wildfire blowing through a community,” Adams said. “We need to think about fire protection and what firefighters really need if this is going to be the way of the future.”⍐

US House votes to sanction International Criminal Court over Israel

US House votes to sanction International Criminal Court over Israel

Patricia Zengerle Thomson Reuters

Patricia Zengerle has reported from more than 20 countries, including Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and China. An award-winning Washington-based national security and foreign policy reporter who also has worked as an editor, Patricia has appeared on NPR, C-Span and other programs, spoken at the National Press Club and attended the Hoover Institution Media Roundtable. She is a recipient of the Edwin M. Hood Award for Diplomatic Correspondence. 

No, Sri Lanka’s Tamil question has not been resolved

No, Sri Lanka’s Tamil question has not been resolved

The nationwide electoral success of the anti-establishment NPP does not mean Tamil nationalism is on the decline.

Parliamentary election in Sri Lanka
An election official holding a ballot box gets off the bus outside a vote counting centre after the voting ended for the parliamentary election in Colombo, Sri Lanka, November 14, 2024 [Thilina Kaluthotage/Reuters]

“They’re trampling on our graves with their boots,” said Kavitha, a young Tamil woman, as the torrential rain lashing our faces washed away her tears. Standing barefoot and ankle-deep in mud at the site of a former cemetery in Visuvamadu, Sri Lanka, she was lamenting the adjacent military base built on the graves of fallen Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) fighters, including that of her brother.

The LTTE was an armed group dominant in the Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka that fought to establish an independent Tamil state for nearly three decades, until its definitive defeat and surrender to the Sri Lankan state in 2009. Through the war, the state bulldozed and repurposed many structures belonging to the LTTE, like the cemetery in which Kavitha’s brother was buried, as it recaptured territory from the armed group.

On that wet late November day, Kavitha and thousands of others were at the former site of the LTTE cemetery to mark “Maaveerar Naal”- an annual event to commemorate LTTE fighters who died in the decades-long war. And this was not an isolated show of nationalist dedication. According to government figures, the scene at the Visuvamadu cemetery was replicated at more than 200 sites – including universities, places of worship and other former cemeteries – across the entire northeast of Sri Lanka, with tens of thousands in attendance.

The level of interest in the 2024 Maaveerar Naal commemorations – equal if not higher than previous years – served as a strong rebuke to less-than-informed Sri Lanka observers who had declared the end of Tamil nationalism in the aftermath of the Sri Lankan elections held, two weeks earlier, on November 14.

The National People’s Power (NPP), a left-wing Sinhala coalition, secured a landslide victory, winning 159 seats in Parliament – more than any other party in Sri Lankan history. Importantly, they also won all bar one of the Tamil-majority voting districts in the North-East, leading many outside observers to conclude Tamil dreams for autonomy and independence are fully abandoned.

The real political situation in the claimed Tamil homeland, however, is much more nuanced.

The NPP rode to power a nationwide wave of anti-establishment sentiment stemming from frustration with persistent economic failings and endemic corruption.

The fall of the Rajapaksa family – who had dominated Sri Lankan politics since 2005 – has been stunning. They never received support from Tamils, who have accused former presidents and brothers Mahinda and Gotabaya Rajapaksa of genocide. However, in the Sinhala south, they were long perceived as heroes for winning the war against the LTTE.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa won the presidency with a landslide just five years ago, in 2019. However, less than three years later, in 2022, he was deposed by a popular uprising in the Sinhala south. Since then, the family rapidly lost all political power in Sri Lanka. In the November 2024 election, their party managed to secure just three seats in Parliament.

Gotabaya’s replacement didn’t bring the change that the public demanded either. As a result, this past November the anti-establishment NPP secured a victory that seemingly transcended deep-rooted ethnic divisions in the country. The left-wing coalition managed to win even the coveted Jaffna electoral district – a Tamil nationalist stronghold historically supportive of an independent Tamil state.

This came as a shock to many watching Tamil politics from outside and led to some commentators heralding the beginning of the end of Tamil nationalism. Indeed, even some NPP officials themselves interpreted their victory in Jaffna as a rejection of “racism” by Tamils.

However, equating the NPP victories in the North-East Province to a widespread rejection of Tamil nationalism is an obvious mistake rooted in laziness and a lack of serious engagement with Tamil politics common among external observers.

Anyone with their finger on the pulse of the Tamil street can see the change in the population’s voting preferences in this election had nothing to do with any disillusionment with Tamil nationalism but everything to do with their frustrations with Tamil politicians. The poll results simply showed that Tamils, like every constituency, are pragmatic and take into account both economic interests and political preferences when they cast their vote.

Many committed Tamil nationalists and supporters of independence voted for the NPP in the hope that it can deliver a better economy. Others simply wanted to punish established local politicians they perceived as corrupt and incompetent. Moves by the NPP to present itself as a coalition against corrupt political elites also helped move the Tamil vote. Their display at a popular Colombo hangout spot of luxury cars confiscated from various ministries, for example, was a yearned-for slap in the face of the elites. Their initial positive overtures towards Tamils, their messaging against racism and their promises to allow the Maaveerar Naal commemorations and repeal the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act, under which many Tamil nationalists are persecuted, all contributed towards their appeal in the North-East.

Even Kavitha, a committed Tamil nationalist, admitted to having voted for the NPP. In our conversation at the Maaveerar Naal commemoration, she drew a clear line between her frustrations with the largest Tamil party ITAK, the need to address immediate economic needs, and her vote for the NPP.

But the support for the NPP from Tamils like Kavitha is contingent, and already showing cracks. The continuing arrests of Tamils under the Prevention of Terrorism Act for partaking in  Maaveerar Naal commemorations are causing frustration and anger. Meanwhile, the deadline for the removal of a military camp in a Tamil town, announced with much fanfare, passed without any indication of action. All this is sending a message to the already cynical Tamil electorate that positive overtures made during the campaign season were nothing but empty gestures.

The NPP has never held power and therefore did not have the same baggage as the rulers of the past. This doesn’t mean the NPP does not have baggage. Their main constituent party – The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP, Peoples Liberation Front)- was also proscribed as a “terrorist group” due to their violent uprisings in the 1970s and again in the 1980s, which left tens of thousands of Sinhalese dead. They openly advocated against negotiations with the LTTE and played a significant part in the scuppering of the peace talks in the mid-2000s. While the leadership strikes a different tone now, their current actions indicate that they are either disingenuous or that they will find it difficult to overcome the chauvinist sentiments at the core of the party and their electorate. As has been proven time and time again, if a party in power is seen to be making concessions to the Tamils, this is mobilised against them by the opposition, which affects their performance in the following elections. All major Sinhala parties have engaged in this conduct, including the JVP.

All this raises an important point about politics in Sri Lanka and Tamil nationalism. Sri Lanka’s nation-building project is fundamentally rooted in giving primacy to Sinhala Buddhism. Tamils were never accepted as equal citizens, pushed to the periphery through a Colombo-centric approach not only by the state, but also by an unimaginative Tamil elite. Leading Tamil politicians repeatedly conceded longstanding political demands for mere scraps, in return for membership in the Colombo elite. While historically these parties continued to gain support among Tamils, and this election is more likely to be a blip than a wholesale change, Tamil political energy cannot be read solely through electoral politics. Maaveerar Naal, and related memorialisation and protest activities rooted in Tamil nationalist practices are more accurate representations of the political imaginary anchored deep in the Tamil psyche.

This Tamil Eelam-centric national life exists beyond the purview of not only the Sri Lankan state, but also Tamil politicians. It will continue to thrive, on and off the island, and pursue its aims through means outside the limitations placed on it by electoral politics. While this government now has the opportunity to take Tamil concerns seriously and address longstanding demands for self-rule, Tamils won’t hold their breath.

In order to make progress on these issues, the NPP needs to make use of every day in their five-year term to work, methodically addressing Tamil demands. Low-hanging fruit includes the release of political prisoners, the repeal of the PTA and the release of land occupied by the military. Efforts to change the demographic makeup in the North-East Province through landgrabs, the building of Buddhist temples and the expansion of Sinhala settlements must also be halted at once. Relatives of those forcibly disappeared continue their protests and rejection of state mechanisms that have no recourse to judiciary mechanism. Their concerns must also be treated with seriousness – many have refused to hold last rites for their kin that were handed over to the security forces at the end of the war. Sri Lanka must disclose what it did with the thousands of Tamils it took into custody.

Tamils have learned through repeated painful experiences that a political solution will not come from the state. It is because of this broken faith that Tamils look to the international community for justice and accountability. Disrupting this pattern will require that the new government take clear steps towards dismantling the ethnocratic nature of the state and delivering meaningful accountability. Without this, the country’s ongoing divisions will only persist.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

Tuesday, January 07, 2025

Panama, Denmark respond to Trump’s refusal to rule out military, economic coercion to take control of Canal, Greenland

 Panama, Denmark respond to Trump’s refusal to rule out military, economic coercion to take control of Canal, Greenland

Published: Jan 08, 2025

 

A drone photo shows a cargo vessel sailing on the Panama Canal near Panama City, Panama, Aug. 28, 2024. The Panama Canal, connecting the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, spans over 80 kilometers and is one of the world's most important trade waterways. The Panama Canal officially opened on Aug. 15, 1914. This year marks the 110th anniversary of its inauguration. Photo: Xinhua



Panama said on Tuesday that the sovereignty of its interoceanic canal was non-negotiable, while Denmark said Greenland is not for sale, after US President-elect Donald Trump refused to rule out military or economic coercion to gain control.
"The sovereignty of our canal is not negotiable and is part of our history of struggle," Panama Foreign Minister Javier Martinez-Acha said, noting that President Jose Raul Mulino had made his stance clear.
Asked at a press conference at his Florida resort whether he could assure the world he would not use military or economic coercion as he tries to gain control of the Panama Canal and Greenland, Trump said, "No, I can't assure you on either of those two. But I can say this, we need them for economic security," according to Reuters.
Trump also suggested he would impose tariffs on Denmark if it resists his offer to purchase Greenland, which he said is vital to US national security. Shortly before Trump's comments, his son Don Jr. arrived in Greenland for a visit, according to Reuters.
When asked about Trump Jr's visit to Greenland, Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen told Danish TV that "Greenland belongs to the Greenlanders" and that only the local population could determine their future. She agreed that "Greenland is not for sale", but stressed Denmark needed close cooperation with the US, a Nato ally, according to BBC.
Global Times-China

Exclusive: UAE discusses post-war Gaza government with US and Israel

Exclusive: UAE discusses post-war Gaza government with US and Israel

  • UAE involved in behind-the-scenes post-war talks, sources say
  • Temporary governance, peacekeeping mission discussed, according to sources
  • Use of private military contractors in peacekeeping also under discussion, sources say
  • UAE official says post-war plan must include reform of the Palestinian Authority
DUBAI, Jan 7 (Reuters) - The United Arab Emirates has discussed with Israel and the United States participating in a provisional administration of post-war Gaza until a reformed Palestinian Authority is able to take charge, according to people familiar with the talks.
The behind-the-scenes discussions, reported by Reuters for the first time, included the possibility of the UAE and the United States, along with other nations, temporarily overseeing the governance, security and reconstruction of Gaza after the Israeli military withdraws and until a Palestinian administration is able to take over, a dozen foreign diplomats and Western officials told Reuters.
The UAE is a close security partner of the U.S. and, unlike most Arab governments, has diplomatic ties with Israel. The diplomats and officials said this provides the Gulf state with some leverage over Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's government.
After more than a year of war, Israel remains reluctant to outline its own vision for Gaza and the international community has struggled to formulate a viable plan, said the sources, who asked not to be identified because the conversations were private.
The diplomats and officials stressed the ideas that had emerged from the UAE talks lacked detail and had not been distilled into a formal, written plan nor adopted by any government.
In the behind-the-scenes talks, Abu Dhabi is advocating for a reformed Palestinian Authority (PA) to govern Gaza, the West Bank and East Jerusalem under an independent Palestinian state, the sources said - something that Israel has publicly opposed.
"The UAE will not participate in any plan that fails to include significant reform of the Palestinian Authority, its empowerment, and the establishment of a credible roadmap toward a Palestinian state," a UAE official told Reuters, in response to questions about the discussions.
"These elements - which are currently lacking - are essential for the success of any post-Gaza plan."
The PA was established three decades ago under the 1993-1995 Oslo Accords, signed by Israel and Palestinians, and given limited authority over the West Bank and Gaza. It still exercises some governance in the Israeli-occupied West Bank but was run out of Gaza in 2007 by Hamas after a brief civil war.
A U.S. State Department spokesperson told Reuters there had been talks with several partners, including the UAE, on options for governance, security and reconstruction, and that various draft proposals, plans and ideas had been put forward by partners.
"These have been deliberative discussions that continue, as we seek the best way forward," the spokesperson said, declining to comment further on "private diplomatic conversations".
The Israeli prime minister's office declined comment for this story. The Palestinian Authority did not respond to Reuters' questions.
In addition to reforming the PA, four of the diplomats and Western officials said that Emirati officials had suggested the use of private military contractors as part of a post-war peacekeeping force in Gaza. The other sources confirmed they were briefed on what they described as Emirati post-war proposals, which included the possible use of such forces.
The diplomats and Western officials said any deployment of such contractors would spark concerns among Western nations. Private military contractors, hired by the United States and other governments, have faced accusations of torture, human rights abuses, and use of excessive force, among other allegations, including in Iraq and Afghanistan.
The UAE official did not respond to questions about the use of military contractors.

RECONSTRUCTION WILL TAKE YEARS

Rebuilding Gaza, including its political institutions, is expected to take years and cost tens of billions of dollars, requiring substantial international support, following 15 months of Israel's devastating military campaign.
While the UAE has criticised the conduct of Israel's military and Netanyahu himself, Israel still wants the oil-rich nation involved in post-war Gaza, according to two former Israeli officials, who declined to be identified.
Like Israel, the Gulf state opposes Hamas, a U.S.-designated terrorist group that led the Oct. 7, 2023 attack on Israel that sparked the war.
Abu Dhabi views Hamas and other Islamist groups as destabilizing forces. UAE officials have also expressed concern publicly over the war's impact on stability in the Middle East and on efforts towards greater regional integration and economic development.
Asked whether Hamas was aware of proposals discussed by the UAE, Basem Naim, one of the organization's senior officials, told Reuters that after the war, Gaza must be "distinctly Palestinian" and without "foreign interventions".
Washington is pushing, alongside mediators Egypt and Qatar, for a ceasefire between Israel and Hamas in Gaza. Israel and Hamas traded blame in late December for delays in reaching a ceasefire – which both sides had said appeared to be close last month. On Monday, U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Washington wanted to see a ceasefire deal concluded in the next two weeks.
When asked about the future of Gaza, Brian Hughes, a spokesman for Donald Trump's transition team, said the U.S. president-elect - who is due to take office on Jan. 20 - would work in close coordination with Arab and Israeli partners "to ensure that Gaza can one day prosper".

REFORM OF PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY

The Gulf state has said it would only send troops to a post-war multinational mission at the invitation of the Palestinian Authority and with the involvement of the U.S.
Netanyahu, however, has said he is against the Palestinian Authority in its current form governing Gaza, citing his long-standing grievances over the PA's school syllabus, which he says fuels hatred of Israel, and its policy of giving salaries to families of Palestinians imprisoned in Israel.
The UAE has called for a new prime minister to lead the Palestinian Authority, which Emirati officials frequently criticized as corrupt and inept during the closed-door talks, the diplomats and officials said, without providing specifics.
Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Mustafa, who took office in March, has pledged to implement reforms within the Palestinian Authority whose finances have been in disarray for years as donor states have cut back funding until corruption and waste are tackled.
Emirati officials have mentioned former prime minister Salam Fayyad, a U.S.-educated former World Bank official, as the type of person who would be credible to lead a revamped Palestinian Authority, according to the diplomats and officials.
Fayyad served as prime minister from 2007 until resigning in 2013 after falling out with President Mahmoud Abbas, who remains in office. Reuters was unable to reach Fayyad for comment.⍐

Trump will not rule out force to take Panama Canal, Greenland

 

Trump will not rule out force to take Panama Canal, Greenland

《By Steve Holland and Joseph Ax

இலங்கைக் கடலில் 25 இந்திய மீனவர் கைது

இலங்கைக் கடலில்  25 இந்திய மீனவர் கைது எம்.யூ.எம்.சனூன் Tamil Mirror   2026 பெப்ரவரி 16   இலங்கை கடற்படை, ஞாயிற்றுக்கிழமை (15) இரவு மற்றும் ...