SHARE

Wednesday, June 19, 2024

Britain Election Winner’s First Problem: Fix a Stagnant Economy

 


Britain Election Winner’s First Problem: Fix a Stagnant Economy

After more than a decade of deep budget cuts, slow growth and weak productivity, the country has struggled to overcome years of uncertainty and underinvestment.

Reporting from London

“Our economy has truly turned a corner,” Rishi Sunak, Britain’s prime minister, said last week as he introduced his party’s election manifesto, buoyed by recent data showing that Britain’s economy had exited from a recession more strongly than expected in the beginning of the year and that inflation had slowed substantially.

Justifying the optimism, data released on Wednesday showed that consumer prices rose 2 percent in May from a year earlier, touching the Bank of England’s target for the first time since 2021. That was also way down from 11.1 percent in October 2022, when Mr. Sunak started his premiership.

Many economists argue that it will take more than a few good economic indicators to change Britain’s economic path after more than a decade of slow economic growth, chronically weak productivity, high taxes and struggling public services, with a notably underfunded and overstretched National Health Service.

Polls suggest there is a desire to eject the governing Conservative Party from Downing Street, after 14 years, in next month’s general election. But lawmakers in the opposition Labour Party have already warned that — should they win — they will inherit a hobbled economy with little room for bold changes.

How did Britain get here?

When the Conservative Party came to power in 2010, the country was reeling from the great financial crisis. Debt had jumped higher, and the country’s budget deficit was at a postwar high.

David Cameron, then prime minister, and his chancellor, George Osborne, placed the burden heavily on reducing government spending, rather than tax increases. What followed were years of austerity as government departments faced huge cuts to their budgets.

Image

Spending for services such as courts, libraries and mass transit was slashed, but so were budgets to make investments, slowing or halting the maintenance and construction of schools, hospitals and prisons. Benefits for the unemployed and low earners were cut deeply.

Britain “had quite a severe program of austerity,” said Anna Valero, an economist at the London School of Economics. It was arguably too deep, and therefore “hampering the recovery, hampering the extent to which our economy could invest,” she added.

For many economists, the past 14 years have been defined by Britain’s stagnant productivity growth. The amount of economic output for every hour worked has hardly budged. It’s the key determiner of living standards: Wages go up as productivity improves. In Britain, wages, once adjusted for inflation, are at roughly the same level they were at the end of 2007.

“We have to recognize that this is a pretty deep hole that the economy’s got into,” said Diane Coyle, a professor of public policy at the University of Cambridge. “A lot of countries have lower productivity growth. We’ve got none.”

This decade and a half of lost wage growth has cost the average worker 10,700 pounds (about $13,600) a year, according to the Resolution Foundation, a research organization. Middle-income Britons are 20 percent poorer than their peers in Germany and 9 percent poorer than those in France, the think tank estimated.

Though the economic impact of Britain’s exit from the European Union is still playing out, some of the cost of that decision is already apparent. After the referendum, years of policy uncertainty through Theresa May’s government brought business investment to a halt. Then the new arrangement with the European Union erected trade barriers across most industries, making work harder and more expensive for everyone from Scottish fishermen to London’s bankers.

Instead of investing in infrastructure, innovation and skills, Britain’s government was distracted by Brexit for a long time, Ms. Valero said. “If everyone is concerned with how to actually do Brexit, how to make it work and all the political fallout of it, of course, people have less attention to focus on these long-term issues,” she said.

A long period of low investment and a squeeze on public spending has left many with the feeling that Britain is broken.

Despite the heaviest tax burden in 70 years, many public services appear on the brink of collapse. More than seven million cases are on the N.H.S. waiting list, social care is severely underfunded and understaffed, and spending per school student is the same as it was 14 years ago. Though unemployment is low, there has been a sharp increase in the number people out of the work force because of long-term ill health.


The list of challenges is long and varied: A backlog in the courts means long waits for criminal trials. There’s a lack of affordable housing, and rents are at a record high. Burdensome regulation and the power of local authorities inhibit housing construction but also green energy infrastructure, data centers and labs. The number of people using food banks has doubled in the past five years. Public transport has been hobbled by strikes, understaffing and bad upkeep. And there are endless complaints about potholes all over the country.

The turmoil was most glaringly evident in the 49-day premiership of Liz Truss, who set about to change Britain’s economic policy only to have investors balk at her ideas and force her into a U-turn and eventual resignation.

Ms. Truss had the right diagnosis — the need for faster long-term economic growth — but the wrong medicine for Britain’s problem. She hoped to strengthen the economy by cutting taxes and borrowing heavily to do so, right on the heels of large amounts of spending to support households through the economic shocks of the pandemic and energy crisis after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

She shattered the Conservative Party’s reputation for good financial management. Since then, policy from both major political parties has focused on showing restraint.



Both parties have pledged not to raise Britain’s three big tax rates — personal income taxes, National Insurance and V.A.T., a type of sales tax. But many people will still find themselves paying higher taxes as their wages increase, pulling them into the higher tax brackets, which will remain frozen for several more years.




What’s next?


Many economists say tax promises will be hard to deliver. There are huge demands to spend more on public services, especially to meet commitments to increase military spending and fix the N.H.S., and other areas of government, like the courts, cannot withstand more cuts. To stick to pledges to reduce debt, taxes will have to go up if spending cannot be cut further.


But the tight situation that Britain’s next leaders will find themselves in could be eased if there is a proper sustained increase in economic growth. So far, Britain’s economic growth has been benefiting from an increase in the population, particularly because of migration. The economy is the same size per person that it was at the last election in 2019.


“If we’re actually thinking about sustainably growing, it comes down to productivity growth,” Ms. Valero said. That would also lead to higher wages and better living standards, which would require more investment in infrastructure, education and innovation, and a planning system that made that investment possible, she said.


In the meantime, voters will decide which political party’s plan for growth they prefer on July 4.⍐


The Chinese Foreign Ministry has lashed out at NATO

 NATO chief blaming China to ‘vent frustration’ over unproductive Ukraine peace conference

NATO's stamina wane Illustration: Liu Rui/GT

The Chinese Foreign Ministry has lashed out at NATO after NATO chief smeared China for "backing" Russia in the battlefield, saying that as a legacy of the Cold War and the world's biggest military group and playing a certain role in the Ukraine crisis, it should reflect on itself, rather than smear and attack China.

Blaming China is more of a way to vent frustration over a largely unproductive Ukraine peace conference and also serves to deflect pressure over the stagnation in the ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict, where long-term military aid to Ukraine has not yielded the anticipated results, analysts said.

During an event at the Wilson Center in Washington DC on Monday, NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg accused China of quietly backing Moscow and sending it military supplies, and also condemned China for fueling the largest armed conflict in Europe since World War II, according to media reports. 

In response, Lin Jian, a spokesperson from Chinese Foreign Ministry told Tuesday's press briefing that NATO is the legacy of the Cold War and the world's biggest military group. "The world has seen what kind of role NATO has played in the Ukraine crisis. What the NATO should do is reflect on itself, rather than smear and attack China," he said. 

Lin urged relevant parties to stop deflecting the blame and sowing discord, stop fueling the flame and inciting bloc confrontation, and take concrete actions to promote the political settlement of the crisis.

Cui Heng, a research fellow from the Center for Russian Studies of East China Normal University, believes that Stoltenberg made the remarks to vent frustration over an unproductive peace conference on Ukraine.

The two-day peace conference held in Switzerland came to an anticlimactic close on Sunday, leaving some key regional powers including Brazil, India, South Africa and Saudi Arabia failing to sign up to a joint communique issued at the end of the gathering.

China is not a creator of or a party to the Ukraine crisis. We are committed to promoting talks for peace. China's objective and just position and constructive role are widely recognized by the international community, Lin emphasized at the press conference. 

NATO's stance is aimed at shifting the blame for the current deadlock in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, said Zhang Hong, an associate research fellow at the Institute of Russian, Eastern European and Central Asian Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

NATO's military support for Ukraine has become a long-term mechanism but Western interference in the conflict has not yielded the expected results, leading it to blame China for unfavorable outcomes on the battlefield, Zhang explained to the Global Times. 

NATO defense ministers recently agreed on a plan to provide long-term security assistance and military training to Ukraine, according to Euronews. Stoltenberg declared that since the war started, allies have provided around €40 billion worth of military support each year. "I have proposed that we sustain this level of support as a minimum for as long as it takes," the NATO chief said.

The conflict between Russia and Ukraine, which has now been going on for over two years, has heightened concerns and security anxieties across Europe. Any country maintaining normal cooperation with Russia, even in general trade, could be seen by Western nations as supporting the country, he said. "Prolonging the Ukraine-Russia conflict could expand its spillover risks," Zhang said. 

On Monday, John Kirby, the US National Security Council's Strategic Communications Coordinator, stated that winning the Russia-Ukraine conflict is a prerequisite for Ukraine's NATO membership. 

Raising an unattainable demand with Ukraine exposes the real intention of the West, which is to prolong the Ukraine war in order to exhaust Russia and divide the world, experts noted. 

Cui said that it obviously exceeds the authority of NATO as a military bloc to impose economic measures against China. However, Zhang warned that the possibility of the US using long-arm sanctions to disrupt normal interactions between China and Russia cannot be ruled out if the situation escalates in the Russia-Ukraine conflict. At the same time, the US may also push more actively for a decoupling of China and Europe under the guise of security and politics, Zhang added.

By GT staff reporters Published: Jun 18, 2024

Tuesday, June 18, 2024

Canada defends sending ship to Cuba as vital to deterring Russia

Canada defends sending ship to Cuba as vital to deterring Russia


OTTAWA, June 17 (Reuters) - The Canadian Liberal government, criticized by opposition legislators for sending a patrol ship to Havana while Russian vessels were there, on Monday said the visit was meant to send a message of deterrence to Moscow.
Canadian navy patrol boat HMCS Margaret Brooke passes by Russian nuclear-powered cruise missile submarine Kazan and frigate Admiral Gorshkov, as it enters Havana’s bay, Cuba, June 14, 2024. REUTERS/Alexandre Meneghini/File Photo Purchase Licensing Rights

The Canadian navy patrol ship sailed into the harbor early on Friday, two days after the arrival of a Russian nuclear-powered submarine and a frigate. Canada and the United States said they were closely monitoring the vessels.
"The deployment ... sends a very clear message that Canada has a capable and deployable military and we will not hesitate to do what is required to protect our national interest," Defence Minister Bill Blair told reporters.
"Canadian Armed Forces will continue to track the movements and activities of the Russian ships," he added. "Presence is deterrence. We were present."
Canada's Minister of National Defence Bill Blair holds a
press conference in the House of Commons foyer on
Parliament Hill in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada June 17, 2024.
REUTERS/Blair Gable

Both the U.S. and Cuba say the Russian warships pose no threat to the region. Russia has also characterized the arrival of its warships in allied Cuba as routine.
Canada has traditionally been one of Cuba's closest Western allies and maintained ties after the 1959 Cuban revolution. Relations though tend to be better under Liberal governments, since the official opposition right-of-center Conservatives are more staunchly anti-Communist.
"Why is the Trudeau government sending a Canadian warship to 'celebrate' relations with a communist dictatorship at all - let alone while Russian warships are docked there? Cuba and Russia are not allies of Canada," Conservative foreign affairs spokesman Michael Chong said in a social media post.
Prime Minister Justin Trudeau paid an official visit to Cuba in November 2016. When former leader Fidel Castro died a few days later, Trudeau referred to him as a "remarkable leader", prompting Conservative unhappiness.
By Reuters June 17, 2024

NATO chief warns China over support to Russia in Ukraine war

NATO chief warns China over support to Russia in Ukraine war


NATO's chief warned Monday that the Western alliance needs to impose costs on China over support for Russia, while saying that only a regular flow of weapons to Ukraine could end the war.

Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg was paying a visit to Washington to lay the groundwork for the 75th anniversary summit of NATO next month.

The July gathering aims to send a decisive long-term message of support for Ukraine as President Joe Biden faces a tough reelection fight against Donald Trump, a skeptic of Western support for Kyiv.

Speaking ahead of a meeting with Biden, Stoltenberg accused China of worsening the conflict through what US officials say is a major export push to rebuild Russia's defense industry.

President Xi Jinping "has tried to create the impression that he is taking a back seat in this conflict, to avoid sanctions and keep trade flowing," Stoltenberg said at the Wilson Center.

"But the reality is that China is fueling the largest armed conflict in Europe since World War II, and at the same time, it wants to maintain good relations with the West," he said.

"Beijing cannot have it both ways. At some point -- and unless China changes course -- allies need to impose a cost. There should be consequences," he added.

China argues that it is not sending lethal assistance to either side -- unlike the United States and other Western nations.

Beijing steered clear of a weekend summit in Switzerland promoted by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky that reaffirmed Kyiv's demands for Russia to leave Ukrainian territory for any peace.

Russia has insisted that it is interested in talks, but has demanded Ukrainian forces to withdraw from territory seized by Moscow.

Trump -- who in the past has voiced admiration for Russian President Vladimir Putin -- has boasted that he can quickly end the war, likely by pressing Ukraine to accept demands.

In an unstated effort to "Trump-proof" future efforts, Stoltenberg wants the Washington summit both to put NATO in the lead of coordination on Ukraine and to set up a way for long-term military support.

"The more credible our long-term support, the quicker Moscow will realize it cannot wait us out," he said.

"It may seem like a paradox, but the path to peace is more weapons for Ukraine."

The US Congress in April approved some $60 billion in new military funding for Ukraine but only after months of delay due to political fighting and opposition by some of Trump's Republican allies⍐. 

The Business Standard 18 June, 2024

Monday, June 17, 2024

New Criminal Laws will take effect from July 1: Union Law Minister

 

New Criminal Laws will take effect from July 1: Union Law Minister

New Delhi , Jun 16 : Minister of State (MoS) (Independent Charge) Law and Justice, Arjun Ram Meghwal on Sunday said that the new Criminal Laws, namely Bharatiya Nyay Sanhita, Bharatiya Suraksha Sanhita, and Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam, will come into force on July 1, 2024.

“IPC, CrPC, and Indian Evidence Act are changing. After following the due consultation process and keeping in mind the reports of the Law Commission of India, the three laws have been changed,” said Meghwal.

“The three laws will be implemented from July 1 with the names Bharatiya Nyay Sanhita, Bharatiya Suraksha Sanhita, and Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam. Training facilities for the three new laws are being provided in all states,” said Meghwal.

He highlighted that Bureau of Police Research and Development (BPRD) is providing training for it. He added, “Our judicial academies, national law universities are also providing training for the same. Everything is going hand in hand and from July 1, all these three laws which is crucial for criminal justice system will be implemented in the country.”

Notably, under the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, police custody under general criminal laws has been increased from 15 days to 90 days, depending on the nature of the offense.
Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita will have 358 sections (instead of 511 sections in the IPC). A total of 20 new crimes have been added to the bill, and the imprisonment sentence has been increased for 33 of them. The amount of the fine has been increased in 83 crimes and mandatory minimum punishment has been introduced in 23 crimes. The penalty of community service has been introduced for six crimes and 19 sections have been repealed or removed from the bill.

Bharatiya Nagrik Suraksha Sanhita will have 531 sections (in place of 484 sections of CrPC). A total of 177 provisions have been changed in the bill, and nine new sections as well as 39 new sub-sections have been added to it. The draft act has added 44 new provisions and clarifications. Timelines have been added to 35 sections and audio-video provision has been added at 35 places.

A total of 14 sections have been repealed and removed from the bill Bharatiya Sakshya Adhiniyam will have 170 provisions (instead of the original 167 provisions), and a total of 24 provisions have been changed. Two new provisions and six sub-provisions have been added and six provisions have been repealed or deleted from the bill.

The recent criminal justice reform in India marks a significant shift in priorities, placing crimes against women, children, and the nation at the forefront. This stands in stark contrast to colonial-era laws, where concerns like treason and treasury offenses outweighed the needs of ordinary citizens. (ANI)⍐

Russia and the DPRK: Article by Vladimir Putin

 Article by Vladimir Putin in Rodong Sinmun newspaper, 

Russia and the DPRK: Traditions of Friendship and Cooperation Through the Years June 18, 2024 00:00

On the eve of my state visit to the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, I would like to address the Korean and foreign audience of the Rodong Sinmun newspaper to share my thoughts on the prospects for partnership between our states and on their role in the modern world.

The relations of friendship and neighbourliness between Russia and the DPRK, based on the principles of equality, mutual respect and trust, go back more than seven decades and are rich in glorious historical traditions. Our peoples cherish the memory of their difficult joint struggle against Japanese militarism and honour the heroes who fell in it. In August 1945, Soviet soldiers, fighting shoulder to shoulder with Korean patriots, defeated the Kwantung Army, liberated the Korean peninsula from colonisers, and opened the way for the Korean people to develop independently. As symbol of combat brotherhood of the two nations, a monument was erected in 1946 on the Moranbong Hill in the centre of Pyongyang to commemorate the liberation of Korea by the Red Army.

The Soviet Union was the first among the world’s states to recognise the young Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and establish diplomatic relations with it. As early as on March 17, 1949, when the founder of the DPRK Comrade Kim Il Sung paid his first visit to Moscow, the USSR and the DPRK signed the Agreement on Economic and Cultural Cooperation, establishing a legal framework for further strengthening of their bilateral interaction. Our country helped the Korean friends to build their national economy, create a healthcare system, develop science and education, and train professional administrative and technical staff. 

 In 1950–1953, during the difficult years of the Fatherland Liberation War, the Soviet Union also extended a helping hand to the people of the DPRK and supported them in their struggle for independence. Later on, the Soviet Union provided significant assistance in restoring and strengthening the national economy of the young Korean state and in building a peaceful life.

My first visit to Pyongyang in 2000 and the return visit of Comrade Kim Jong Il, Chairman of the National Defence Commission of the DPRK, to Russia the following year marked new important milestones in the relations between our countries. The bilateral declarations signed back then defined the main priorities and areas of our constructive multidimensional partnership for years to come.

Comrade Kim Jong Un, who leads the DPRK today, confidently continues the policies of his predecessors – prominent statesmen and friends of the Russian people, Comrades Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il. I had another chance to see it when we met last September at the Vostochny Cosmodrome in Russia.

Today, as before, Russia and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea are actively advancing their multifaceted partnership. We highly appreciate the DPRK’s unwavering support for Russia’s special military operation in Ukraine, their solidarity with us on key international matters and willingness to defend our common priorities and views within the United Nations. Pyongyang has always been our committed and like-minded supporter, ready to confront the ambition of the collective West to prevent the emergence of a multipolar world order based on justice, mutual respect for sovereignty and consideration of each other’s interests.

The United States is going out of its way to impose on the world what it calls the “rules-based order”, which is essentially nothing more than a global neo-colonial dictatorship relying on double standards. Nations that disagree with such an approach and pursue an independent policy face increasing external pressure. The US leadership views such a natural and legitimate aspiration for self-reliance and independence as a threat to its global dominance.

The United States and its satellites openly declare that their objective is to inflict a “strategic defeat” on Russia. They are doing everything they can to protract and further exacerbate the conflict in Ukraine, which they have themselves provoked by supporting and organising the 2014 armed coup in Kiev and the subsequent war in Donbass. What is more, over the years they have repeatedly rejected all our attempts to resolve the situation peacefully. Russia has always been and will remain open to equal dialogue on all issues, including the most difficult ones. I reiterated this at my recent meeting with Russian diplomats in Moscow.

Our adversaries, meanwhile, continue to supply the neo‑Nazi Kiev regime with money, weapons and intelligence information, allow – and, effectively, encourage – the use of modern Western weapons and equipment to deliver strikes on the Russian territory, aiming at obviously civilian targets in most cases. They are threatening to send their troops to Ukraine. Furthermore, they are trying to wear out Russia’s economy with more new sanctions and fuel socio-political tension inside the country.

No matter how hard they tried, all their attempts to contain or isolate Russia have failed. We continue to steadily build up our economic capability, develop our industry, technologies, infrastructure, science, education and culture.

We are pleased to note that our Korean friends – despite the years-long economic pressure, provocations, blackmailing and military threats on the part of the United States – are still effectively defending their interests. We see the force, dignity and courage with which the people of the DPRK fight for their freedom, sovereignty and national traditions, achieving tremendous results and genuine breakthroughs in strengthening their country in terms of defence, technology, science and industry. At the same time, the country’s leadership and its head Comrade Kim Jong Un have repeatedly expressed their intention to resolve all the existing differences by peaceful means. But Washington, refusing to implement previous agreements, keeps setting new, increasingly harsh and obviously unacceptable requirements.

Russia has incessantly supported and will support the DPRK and the heroic Korean people in their struggle against the treacherous, dangerous and aggressive enemy, in their fight for independence, identity and the right to freely choose their development path.

We are also ready to closely work together to bring more democracy and stability to international relations. To do this, we will develop alternative trade and mutual settlements mechanisms not controlled by the West, jointly oppose illegitimate unilateral restrictions, and shape the architecture of equal and indivisible security in Eurasia.

It goes without saying, we will develop people-to-people interaction between our countries. We plan to promote academic mobility between Russian and Korean higher education institutions, mutual tourist trips as well as cultural, educational, youth and sports exchanges – everything that makes communication between countries and nations people-centred, everything that enhances confidence and mutual understanding.

I am convinced that our joint efforts will take our bilateral interaction to a higher level, which will facilitate mutually beneficial and equal cooperation between Russia and the DPRK, strengthen our sovereignty, promote trade and economic ties, people-to-people contacts and, ultimately, improve the well-being of the citizens of both states.

I would like to extend wishes of good health to Comrade Kim Jong Un and those of peace and great success on the path of development – to the friendly people of the DPRK.⍐

Source:http://en.kremlin.ru/

Is the IMF setting Sri Lanka up for a second car crash?

Is the IMF setting Sri Lanka up for a second car crash?

Sri Lanka is bankrupt and restructuring its debts. But there’s a high risk that this restructuring will not be thorough enough, leaving the country with a festering problem that will probably just lead to another default. And to a large extent, this is a result of the IMF’s bizarrely puny targets. The IMF argues that Sri Lanka’s debt will be sustainable if the country gets its public debt down to 95 per cent of GDP by 2032. From the March programme:

B. Restoring Public Debt Sustainability 

 17. Sri Lanka’s public debt is assessed as unsustainable. The debt-to-GDP ratio is projected to have reached 128 per cent of GDP in 2022, due to exchange rate depreciation, the fiscal deficit, and negative real GDP growth. The authorities’ fiscal adjustment alone cannot reduce debt to sustainable levels. 

 18. The authorities are committed to restoring debt sustainability (see Annex II). Their objectives are to: (i) reduce the level of public debt below 95 per cent of GDP by 2032; (ii) reduce average central government gross financing needs (GFNs) in 2027—32, including from the materialization of contingent liabilities, below 13 per cent of GDP, so that rollover risks under stress are manageable; (iii) keep FX debt service of the central government below 4.5 per cent of GDP in any year during 2027-32; and (iv) ensure that the fiscal and external financing gaps are closed.


Those are ridiculously unambitious target. This basically means that Sri Lanka’s debts will be judged sustainable even if the burden tops its GDP over the next decade. Remember, this is a country that got into trouble with a pre-pandemic debt-to-GDP ratio below 80 per cent. In addition, there are no targets for the external debt stock — the IMF’s founders would be aghast. 

The IMF’s new debt sustainability model focuses on “gross financing needs” instead of the net present value of Sri Lanka’s external debt. And the model seems to say that Sri Lanka’s debts are sustainable as long as it keeps gross financing needs below 13 per cent of GDP. There isn’t an explicit limit on the amount Sri Lanka can pay on its external debt, but the requirement that foreign-currency financing needs remains below 4.5 per cent of GDP functions like a limit on the amount of expected external debt servicing. However, Sri Lanka’s basic problem has historically been its low ability to collect taxes.

Revenues averaged just 11.5 per cent of GDP in the decade prior to Sri Lanka’s default — and dipped below 10 per cent of GDP after an ill-advised tax cut just before the pandemic. The IMF program now forecasts that revenue will rise to around 15 per cent of GDP — a skinny revenue base for such a country with public debts of over 100 per cent of GDP. Let’s do some basic debt math. If you assume a 5 per cent average interest rate on Sri Lanka’s debt and a debt-to-GDP ratio around 100 per cent. the IMF’s revenue projections imply that Sri Lanka will spend about a third of its revenue on interest payments alone in years to come. 

Even this calculation is optimistic. In the low interest rate era of the past decade, Sri Lanka’s average debt costs hovered around 8 per cent. Plugging this in the calculation above means more than half of Sri Lanka’s revenue would be gobbled up with interest payments. According to the IMF, only four countries for which data is available in 2023 will spend more than a third of their revenue on interest payments: Pakistan, Egypt, Ghana, and Malawi. Ghana and Malawi are already undergoing debt restructurings. Egypt and Pakistan are in IMF programs and arguably should bite the bullet and restructure their debts too. 


Additionally, none of these countries can access the international bond markets for meaningful sums. Yet the IMF programme envisages that Sri Lanka will be back in the market in 2027. If the expected $1.5bn in bond market funding doesn’t materialise, Sri Lanka could face a significant drain on foreign reserves just as it loses access to its IMF lifeline. 

 To be fair, Sri Lanka did sustain high interest payments as a share of revenue in the past. But its interest to revenue ratio of between 30 and 40 per cent was fundamentally a function of unusually low revenues — interest payments of 5.6 per cent of GDP and revenues of 12 per cent of GDP in 2019 for example. That was part of the reason why Sri Lanka couldn’t manage its debt through the shock of the pandemic.



The IMF’s targets for Sri Lanka have an internal logic with the IMF’s frameworks, but they are fundamentally hard to square with the Fund’s targets for Zambia, which looks remarkably like Sri Lanka on many metrics underpinning debt service capacity. The two countries have similar levels of public debt-to-GDP and external debt-to-GDP, for example. 

If anything, Zambia looks stronger as it historically has had a larger export sector and collects about 20 per cent of GDP in revenue annually. But the IMF has set much more demanding targets for Zambia than Sri Lanka. 

For example, a quick calculation shows that Zambia’s target for external debt service as a share of revenue is less than half the one the IMF set (indirectly) for Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka’s targets, in essence, are the result of threshold effects induced by the sharp difference between the IMF’s two models for assessing debt sustainability — the one for low-income countries, and the one for “market-access countries”. 

 The lines between the models are blurred of course — a number of low-income countries in practice have had more market access than Sri Lanka (eg Ghana). But it certainly seems like the supposedly state of the art market-access model isn’t doing a good job setting debt restructuring targets for lower middle-income countries with volatile revenue and export bases. There’s also a second issue with the market-access debt sustainability model: by focusing entirely on the stock of public debt and overall gross financing needs, the model creates an incentive to use domestic debt as a variable of adjustment.

 At first, the Sri Lankan authorities had presented a restructuring plan that only encompassed external debt, which makes sense for a country that defaulted on its external debt because it had literally run out of reserves but continued to service its domestic debt. But following a demand by bondholders, Sri Lanka is now also undergoing a domestic debt “optimisation”. 

 From a July presentation to investors:


However, this exercise seems driven by a need to reduce the contribution of domestic debt service to the gross financing needs rather than tackle any real vulnerability, instead enabling Sri Lanka to maximise debt service to foreign creditors within the IMF’s generous targets. Sri Lanka is not going to default because it can’t rollover bills held by the central bank: the domestic debt optimisation exercise addresses what in effect is non-existent vulnerability. 

 So what happens next? 

 Well, the IMF isn’t going to change its targets. External creditors — be they the bondholders or China’s policy banks — certainly aren’t going to be pushing for any adjustments to the IMF’s targets.In fact, Sri Lanka’s Eurobonds rallied from a bottom in the low 20s in November 2022 as the IMF targets leaked into the market and are currently hovering around 45 cents on the dollar. 

 That puts the onus on Sri Lanka to insist that the IMF targets cannot be the baseline scenario and reach a deal that hacks down the stock of external debt and limits the future burden of servicing it. 

 This is obviously easier said than done — most restructurings try to sweep in as much debt service as the IMF program allows. And there’s one more twist: Sri Lanka wasn’t eligible for the G20’s Common Framework, and therefore isn’t negotiating with a single official creditors committee. 

 China has refused to join the committee formed by India, Japan and France with most other official bilateral creditors. In fact, Sri Lanka is negotiating with many distinct external creditor groups — the official bilateral creditor committee organised by the Paris Club; China’s official creditors (basically China Eximbank); “private” Chinese state banks like ICBC and the China Development Bank (CDB); private bondholders; and other non-bonded debt holders like HSBC or Deutsche Bank. Chinese creditors don’t want to negotiate in a single forum with the Paris Club — and it sure seems like China Exim and CDB don’t want to negotiate together either. Coordinating multiple comparable restructurings is always a challenge. However, Sri Lanka should insist on at least one thing: if creditors want anything close to the maximum allowed by the IMF program, they don’t need any more upside. 

 Value-recovery instruments like GDP-linkers should be compensation for real debt relief, not a sweetener on top of an already too sweet deal.The Paris Club creditors should set an example here and not insist on following the model of Zambia’s restructuring, which features a one-off state-contingent trigger that lets official creditors extract more debt service if the economy outperforms IMF forecasts. 

 Going forward however, we draw three lessons from Sri Lanka:

 — Complex models should not trump common sense: countries that dedicate more than a third of projected revenue to interest payment are not likely to be sustainable and regain market access. 

 — Separate program targets need to be set on external debt, notably on the stock. External debt is a claim on reserves and export proceeds — and thus is fundamentally different from domestic debt. 

 — Setting targets for public debt instead of external debt will generate pressure for unnecessary domestic debt restructurings. If the IMF thinks a domestic debt restructuring is necessary, as it was in Ghana, the program should be built around this domestic debt restructuring from the start. 

The IMF and the World Bank are now reviewing the low-income country debt sustainability model. But it could well be more urgent to conduct a review of whether the market-access model — which was designed to be an indicator of building fiscal vulnerabilities — is producing appropriate targets for the restructuring of the external debt of middle-income countries experiencing balance of payments difficulties⍐.

Source:

SEPTEMBER 5 2023

Theo Maret is a research analyst at Global Sovereign Advisory and writes a sovereign debt newsletter. Brad Setser is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations and a former Treasury Department official.


காலநிலை அறிவிப்பு-பேராசிரியர் நா.பிரதீபராஜா

https://www.facebook.com/Piratheeparajah 03.12.2025 புதன்கிழமை பிற்பகல் 3.30 மணி விழிப்பூட்டும் முன்னறிவிப்பு இன்று வடக்கு மற்றும் கிழக்கு ம...