US and Israel sign record $38bn military aid deal

NEWSISRAEL15 SEPTEMBER 2016
US and Israel sign record $38bn military aid deal
US president says the 10-year, $38bn arms deal will help bolster Israel's security in "a dangerous neighbourhood".

The United States has signed a record $38bn deal to provide Israel with military assistance over a 10-year period - the largest such agreement ever by the US with any country.

Following 10 months of frequently tense negotiations, the two allies finalised the memorandum of understanding (MOU) with a signing ceremony on Wednesday in Washington DC.

"Both Prime Minister [Benjamin] Netanyahu and I are confident that the new MOU will make a significant contribution to Israel's security in what remains a dangerous neighbourhood," US President Barack Obama said in a statement, according to Reuters news agency.  

Under the terms, Israel will receive $3.8bn a year from the US - up from the $3.1bn Washington currently gives Israel annually under a 10-year deal that ends in 2018.

The agreement was described as the "single largest pledge of bilateral military assistance in US history", but it also involves major concessions by the Israeli government, which will no longer be able to seek additional annual funds from the US Congress over and above the new package.

Al Jazeera's Patty Culhane, reporting from Washington DC, said the annual $3.8bn figure did not mark a big change "compared with what Israel was getting in 2015 or 2016".

"It sounds like a bit of a difference, but then if you look at the money that the US Congress routinely gives Israel on top of that $3.1bn, it's really not that much more," Culhane said.

"In 2015, the US Congress gave Israel $620m for missile defence, so basically Israel is going to get the same amount as it's been getting."

The figure also is significantly lower compared with the $4.5bn - $5bn sums that Netanyahu said he was seeking when he first entered the negotiations, according to Culhane.


Marwan Bishara, Al Jazeera's senior political analyst, said Obama had to answer why the US signed now a record military assistance deal with Israel.

"Why is the American military aid increasing, and not decreasing?" Bishara said, citing Israel's peace agreements with neighbours such as Egypt and Jordan, as well as Iran's recent nuclear deal.

"Whenever the situation improves for Israel, American aid increases. And what happens? The Israeli policy becomes more and more radicalised. Today, and for the last 40 years, Israel has become ever more radical. The more aid it got, the more radical Israel has become.

"That's the question for President Obama to answer."

Efraim Inbar, a professor at Israel's Bar-Ilan university, told Al Jazeera from Jerusalem that Israel needed the agreement to upgrade ageing weapons systems, including aircraft and missile batteries.

"And there are many more threats looming over the horizon: Iran may become nuclear, the Islamic State is still there, there is a possibility of an escalation over the Golan Heights border," he said, referring to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL, also known as ISIS). 

Under the deal, Israel's ability to spend part of the US funds on Israeli military products will be gradually phased out, eventually requiring all of the funds to be spent on American military industries, according to the Associated Press news agency.

Israel's preference for spending some of the US funds domestically had been a major sticking point in the deal.

The new US-Israel agreement also includes, for the first time, $5bn funding for missile defence programmes. Under the previous arrangement, Congress approved funds for missile defence separately and on an annual basis.

The deal was reached despite mounting frustration within the Obama administration at Israel's policy of building settler homes on occupied Palestinian territory.

Washington has warned that Netanyahu's policies are putting at risk hopes of an eventual peace deal.

US to renew military logistical pact it signed with MR govt

US to renew military logistical pact it signed with MR govt
September 16, 2016, 12:00 pm

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The US intends to extend a military logistical agreement it entered into with the previous Rajapaksa administration in March 2007.

Then Sri Lanka Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and then US Ambassador Robert Blake signed the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) in Colombo.

Left parties at the time condemned the ACSA both in and outside parliament.

The agreement valid for 10 years is meant to facilitate transfer and exchange of logistics supplies, support and re-fuelling services.

Asked by The Island whether ACSA would be extended for another 10-year period and perhaps further, a US spokesperson said: "The U.S seeks to renew the Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement signed in 2007."

In the wake of the March 2007 agreement signing, Ambassador Blake said the ACSA would allow the U.S. and Sri Lanka to transfer and exchange logistics supplies, support, and re-fuelling services during peacekeeping missions, humanitarian operations and joint exercises.

Authoritative sources said that Sri Lanka had been reluctant to finalise ACSA though the two countries discussed the matter for many years. The UNP-led UNF government dealt with ACSA during 2002-2003 period though it couldn’t be finalised, sources said.

War veteran Rajapaksa received President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s blessings to finalise the ACSA in spite of some UPFA constituents strongly opposing enhanced defence ties with world’s solitary superpower. The agreement came into being significant US backing for war effort against the LTTE. Acting on intelligence provided by the US, the Navy hunted down four LTTE floating arsenals on the high seas in 2007. The US also thwarted an LTTE attempt to acquire surface-to-air missiles at the onset of Eelam War IV in addition to providing 30 units of Bush Master Cannon for Navy Fast Attack Craft (FACs).

Confirmation of US intention was made in the wake US Secretary of the Navy Ray Mabus visiting Colombo. Mabus also visited Trincomalee Naval Dockyard on Monday to observe joint training involving US and Sri Lankan personnel.

Recently, the US and India signed Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) governing the use of each other’s land, air and naval bases for repair and resupply. The agreement is meant to facilitate the provision of logistical support, supplies, and services between the U.S. and Indian militaries on a reimbursable basis, providing a framework to govern them.

U.S.-led jets kill dozens of Syrian soldiers

U.S.-led jets kill dozens of Syrian soldiers: Russia, monitor

U.S.-led coalition jets bombed a Syrian army position at Jebel Tharda near Deir al-Zor airport on Saturday, killing dozens of Syrian soldiers, Russia and a war monitor said, paving the way for Islamic State to briefly overrun it.

The U.S. military, in an apparent admission that it may have hit the position, said in a statement that coalition air strikes near Deir al-Zor had been halted when Russia told coalition officials they may have hit the Syrian army.

Syria's army general command said in a statement that the air strike was "conclusive evidence" of U.S. support for Islamic State, noting that the strike was "dangerous and blatant aggression".

Islamic State said in a statement on its Amaq news channel that it had gained "complete control" over Jebel Tharda but both Syrian state television and Russian state media said the positions lost to the militant group were later recaptured.

The defense ministry in Russia, which has been aiding Syria's President Bashar al-Assad in the civil war, said U.S. jets had killed more than 60 Syrian soldiers in four air strikes by two F-16s and two A-10s coming from the direction of Iraq.

"Syria is a complex situation with various military forces and militias in close proximity, but coalition forces would not intentionally strike a known Syrian military unit," U.S. officials said.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a Britain-based monitoring group with contacts across the country, cited a military source at Deir al-Zor airport as saying that at least 80 Syrian soldiers had been killed in the strike.

Russia's Defence Ministry said that if the coalition bombing was a mistake, it was evidence of Washington's "stubborn refusal" to coordinate its actions with Russia's government.

The U.S.-led coalition has been conducting air strikes against Islamic State since September 2014 and is also supporting rebels against Assad elsewhere in Syria.

The Observatory said that Russian jets had been conducting bombing in the area at the same time, and that violent clashes took place afterwards between Islamic State and the Syrian army around the position.

Syria's army controls Deir al-Zor airport and parts of the city which are otherwise entirely surrounded by territory held by Islamic State.

The United States and Russia agreed a deal on Syria last week, involving a ceasefire which came into effect on Monday, aid deliveries to besieged areas and eventual joint targeting of militant jihadist groups if the truce works out.

Syria's war between Assad and rebels seeking to topple him has drawn in regional and global powers and allowed militant jihadist groups including Islamic State to gain territory and inspire attacks.

(Reporting by Angus McDowall; Editing by Louise Ireland and Dominic Evans)
=========

WORLD NEWS | Sat Sep 17, 2016 | 5:53pm EDT
U.S.-led forces strike Syrian troops, Russia calls emergency U.N. meeting
By Angus McDowall and Andrew Osborn | BEIRUT/MOSCOW

U.S.-led coalition air strikes killed dozens of Syrian soldiers on Saturday, Russia and a monitoring group said, putting a U.S.-Russian brokered ceasefire in jeopardy and prompting Moscow to seek an emergency U.N. Security Council meeting.

The United States military said the coalition stopped the air strike against what it had believed to be Islamic State positions in northeast Syria after Russia informed it that Syrian military personnel and vehicles may have been hit.

A U.S. military official said he was "pretty sure" targets mistakenly hit in the coalition strikes were Syrian forces.

Russia called for an emergency meeting of the United Nations Security Council after the air strikes, which allowed Islamic State militants to briefly overrun a Syrian army position near Deir al-Zor airport.

"We are reaching a really terrifying conclusion for the whole world: That the White House is defending Islamic State. Now there can be no doubts about that," the RIA Novosti news agency quoted Russian Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Maria Zakharova as saying.

She said the strikes threatened to undermine the ceasefire in Syria brokered by Russia, which has been aiding Syria's President Bashar al-Assad in the civil war, and the United States, which has backed some rebel groups.

The Russian Defence Ministry said U.S. jets had killed more than 60 Syrian soldiers in four air strikes by two F-16s and two A-10s coming from the direction of Iraq.

The Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, a Britain-based monitoring group with contacts across the country, cited a military source at Deir al-Zor airport as saying that at least 80 Syrian soldiers had been killed.

The ceasefire, which took effect on Monday, is the most significant peacemaking effort in Syria for months but has been undermined by repeated accusations of violations on both sides and by a failure to bring humanitarian aid to besieged areas.

As well as the U.S. and Russian involvement, Assad is supported by Iran and Arab Shi'ite militias, while Sunni rebels seeking to unseat him are backed by Turkey and Gulf Arab states.

All those warring parties are also sworn enemies of the Islamic State jihadist group, whose territory extends along the Euphrates valley from the Iraqi border, including around Deir al-Zor, up to land near Syria's frontier with Turkey.

In its sixth year, the conflict has cost hundreds of thousands of lives, displaced half of Syria's pre-war population, prompted a refugee crisis in the Middle East and Europe and inspired a wave of jihadist attacks across the world.

Syria's army said the strikes, which took place at around 5 p.m. (9 a.m. ET) were "conclusive evidence" of U.S. support for Islamic State, calling them "dangerous and blatant aggression".

The U.S. military said in its statement that Syria was a "complex situation" but that "coalition forces would not intentionally strike a known Syrian military unit".

Islamic State said via its Amaq news channel it had taken complete control of Jebel Tharda, where the bombed position was located, which would have allowed it to overlook government-held areas of Deir al-Zor.

The city's airport and some districts have been entirely surrounded by Islamic State since last year, with the airport providing their only external access.

However, Russia and Syrian state media said the Syrian army later recaptured positions it lost. The Observatory monitoring group said at least 20 Islamic State fighters were killed in heavy Russian air strikes during that fighting.

The incident threatens to undermine not only the ceasefire agreement, but also proposed joint targeting by the United States and Russia of Islamic State and some other jihadist groups across Syria.

SHAKY TRUCE

Earlier on Saturday, Russia and Syrian rebels cast doubt over the prospects for the increasingly shaky ceasefire, with Moscow saying the situation was worsening and a senior insurgent warning that the truce "will not hold out".

While the ceasefire has reduced fighting, some violence has persisted across Syria. Meanwhile, there has been little movement on promised aid deliveries to besieged areas and both sides have accused the other of bad faith.

Russia's Defence Ministry said conditions in Syria were deteriorating, adding that it believed the ceasefire had been breached 199 times by rebels and saying the United States would be responsible if it were to collapse.

After the Deir al-Zor air strike, it said Moscow had told the United States to rein in the Syrian opposition and make sure it did not launch a new offensive, adding that it had told Washington about a concentration of rebels north of Hama.

Insurgents say they only reluctantly accepted the initial deal, which they believe is skewed against them, because it could relieve the dire humanitarian situation in besieged areas they control, and blamed Russia for undermining the truce.

"The truce, as we have warned, and we told the (U.S.) State Department - will not hold out," a senior rebel official in Aleppo said, pointing to the continued presence of a U.N. aid convoy at the Turkish border awaiting permission to enter.

OVERNIGHT SHELLING

Both sides have accused the other of being responsible for aid deliveries being stuck far from Aleppo, where army and rebel forces were supposed to pull back from the Castello Road which leads into besieged, insurgent-held eastern districts.

Russia on Friday said the Syrian army had initially withdrawn but returned to its positions after being fired on by rebels, who in turn say they saw no sign of government forces ever leaving their positions.

"There is no change," said Zakariya Malahifji, an official for a rebel group in Aleppo on Saturday, asked whether there had been any move by the army to withdraw from positions along the road.

Syria's government said it was doing all that was necessary for the arrival of aid to those in need it in all parts of the country, particularly to eastern Aleppo.

Two convoys of aid for Aleppo have been waiting at the Turkish border for days. The U.N. has said both sides in the war are to blame for the delay of aid to Aleppo, where neither has yet withdrawn from the Castello Road into the city.

The government said the road was being fired on by rebels, which they deny, so it could not give convoys a guarantee of safety.

Senior U.N. officials have accused the government of not providing letters to allow convoys to reach other besieged areas in Syria.

(Additional reporting by Tom Perry in Beirut, Katya Golubkova and Andrew Osborn in Moscow, Olesya Astakhova in Bishkek, Phil Stewart and Patricia Zengerle in Washington and Humeyra Pamuk in Istanbul Editing by Dominic Evans)
========

WORLD NEWS | Sat Sep 17, 2016 | 4:14pm EDT
Syrian army says U.S.-led coalition jets bombed it in support of Islamic State
Syria's army general command said warplanes from the U.S.-led coalition bombed a Syrian army position at Jebel Tharda near Deir al-Zor airport on Saturday, paving the way for Islamic State fighters to overun it.

The air strike killed Syrian soldiers and was "conclusive evidence" that the U.S. and its allies support the jihadist group, the Syrian army said in a statement, noting that the strike was "dangerous and blatant aggression".

The U.S.-led coalition has been conducting air strikes against Islamic State since September 2014. In December Damascus accused the coalition of striking an army camp near Deir al-Zor, but Washington said it was done by Russian jets.

A strike list issued by the U.S. on Saturday said it had carried out a strike at Deir al-Zor against five Islamic State supply routes, as well as strikes near Raqqa and elsewhere in Syria.

Syria's army controls Deir al-Zor airport and parts of the city which are otherwise entirely surrounded by territory held by Islamic State.

The United States and Russia agreed a deal on Syria last week, involving a ceasefire which came into effect on Monday, aid deliveries to besieged areas and eventual joint targeting of militant jihadist groups if the truce works out.

Syria's five-year civil war between President Bashar al-Assad and rebels seeking to topple him has drawn in regional and global powers and allowed militant jihadist groups including Islamic State to gain territory and inspire attacks.

(Reporting by Angus McDowall; Editing by Louise Ireland)
===============

அப்பு பாலன் திடலில் கழகம் ஏற்ற சபதம்

சபத முழக்கத்தை செவிமடுக்க உருவப்படத்தில் இரட்டை அழுத்தம் செய்க.

"cow vigilante groups" raped a Muslim Women in Haryana-India

A Muslim woman who was gang raped in India has said her attackers asked her whether she ate beef in what some suspect was another crime by Hindu vigilante groups.

The 20-year-old and her 14-year-old cousin were attacked by a group of men who trespassed into their home in Mewat, Haryana, and murdered their uncle and aunt before sexually assaulting the female victims two weeks ago.

Local police originally arrested four men for trespass and sexual assault, but after protests from the local community the men were charged with murder.

Now the older victim has said the men asked the victims whether they ate beef before insisting they did and proceeding to attack them.

She told NDTV: “They asked if we eat beef. We said we don't, but they insisted we did.
"Then they said we're hurting you before so you don't and that if we tell anyone w
Senior police officers have so far reportedly said the men had no link to so-called "cow vigilante groups".

But the Muslim community has expressed fears about a rise in attacks by Hindu groups.

Many Hindus consider cows sacred and the slaughter of the animal is banned in Haryana, along with several other states.

Earlier this year two Muslim women were reportedly been beaten up at a train station in India on suspicion of carrying beef.

செப்ரெம்பர் 12 தியாகிகள் தினம் தோழர் மனோகரன் உரை

உரையைக் கேட்க உருவப் படத்தில் இரட்டை அழுத்தம் செய்க

Road to Nandikadal

Road to Nandikadal : New Book on Vanquished Tigers
( September 4, 2016, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian)
Security analysts are said to be keeping a close eye on the book ‘Road to Nandikadal’, true story of defeating Tamil Tigers by Major General Kamal Gunaratne, expected to be released after his retirement on September 5.

The book will be released on September 6, a day after his retirement. The Sinhala and English versions of the book will be released on the same day.

It is said that several incidents that occurred during the war including the killing of Velupillai Prabhkaran.

Major General Gunaratne was the Commanding Officer of the 53 Division, that is believed to have killed the LTTE leader Prabhakaran.

Arming LTTE against Indian Army was most unfavorable and dangerous: Maj. Gen Gunaratne 

Published September 12, 2016 SOURCE: ENS 

The clandestine arming of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by the Premadasa government in Sri Lanka in the late 1980s to get rid of the “common enemy” – the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) – was “one of the most unfavorable and dangerous steps ever taken by any government in Sri Lanka,” 

says Maj.Gen.Kamal Gunaratne in his book “Road To Nandikadal”.

The whole operation was an “abhorrence” to Sri Lankan army officers who were tasked to hand over brand new weapons to the LTTE, says Gen. Gunaratne whose 53 Division finally killed the LTTE chief, Velupillai Prabhakaran, in May 2009. “When truck loads of weapons and ammunition were handed over to the LTTE inside jungles, we felt we were digging our own graves but carried out order nevertheless. Fortunately and thankfully, I was not part of this unholy transaction,” he says. 

The gifting of arms was of immense relief to the LTTE which had by then “taken a heavy beating from the IPKF,” he adds. “I have had long chats with some of the young officers who were involved in this operation and their stories are disturbing to say the least. Obviously, the whole transaction was an abhorrence to these young officers and it was made worse by the warm greetings, hugs and handshakes they received from the LTTE leaders.” “When the LTTE left with their new goodies, large stockpiles of weapons, courtesy Government of Sri Lanka, their arrogant, mocking smiles and body language seemed to be saying: One day we hope to aim all these weapons at you.” And indeed, the now well armed LTTE, did become arrogant almost immediately. “Our officers were subject to threats, due to shortfall of weapons. They would insist that quantities of weapons delivered were less than the quantities promised by the government and accused the officers of stealing. 

One can imagine the utter disgust and revulsion these soldiers and officers felt, having to hand over truck loads of brand new weapons and ammunition imported from China, still wrapped in polythene and grease proof paper, to the very enemy who would not hesitate to kill you.” The weapons give by Premadasa enabled the LTTE to strike at the IPKF “with renewed vigor and more effectively increasing the death toll and the casualty count of the IPKF.”  

It  impacted the government of India “severely,” leading  to the withdrawal of the IPKF  in March 1990. Gopalaswamy Mahaththaya, the Deputy Leader of the LTTE, who was heading the team talking to President Premadasa, acted the true politician, always in a white dhoti and sporting a broad smile. While the army knew that this was a façade, President Premadasa was completely taken in. “Mahaththaya is a real gentleman, Premadasa would say. We all know that Premadasa trusted Mahaththaya one hundred percent,”  Gen.Gunaratne says.

 As expected, Eelam War II broke out immediately after the IPKF left the island in March 1990. Mixed Feelings  About IPKF About the IPKF, Gen.Gunaratne says that the reason why they suffered heavy casualties (1500 dead and 3000 wounded) between October 1987 and March 1990, was that its officers were fighting a conventional war against a guerilla group. 

They “thoroughly underestimated the capability of the LTTE,” unlike the Sri Lankan army which never did that. For example, it was the World War II vintage thinking which led to the use of parachuting troops against the LTTE in the Jaffna University campus where Prabhakaran was holed up. The parachutists could  easily be picked up by LTTE snipers as it was a full moon night. The LTTE was fully prepared for the airborne assault and Prabhakaran had quit the campus because his men had snooped into the IPKF’s unsecured radio communications .The IPKF was using the same frequency it was using during its honeymoon with the LTTE. However, while being sorry for the slaughtered Indian commandos, the Sri Lankan army was happy with the fighting taking place between the LTTE and the IPKF. “It was a source of comfort for many of us. 

I should admit that seeing the LTTE terrorists dying at the hands of the IPKF brought me immense happiness. And on the other hand, IPKF members dying at the hands of the LTTE also made me happy to a certain extent. Some readers would find this to be unacceptable, coming from a senior military officer. However, when I think of the way India supported the Tamil terrorists, breeding and training them, the manner in which India applied pressure on the government of Sri Lanka and the low treatment that was meted out to the members of the Sri Lankan forces by uneducated Jawans on our soil, I think I should have been happier than I was,” Gen.Gunaratne writes.

Relations between the Sri Lankan army and the IPKF become worse after President Premadasa ordered the IPKF out in 1989 and the IPKF would not leave. The IPKF became arrogant in its dealings with the Sri Lankan army. “Having to put up with humiliation from the Jawans of the IPKF  was totally demoralizing and too bitter a pill to swallow.” However later, when he met some officers of the IPKF at the School of Combat in Mhow in India, they “spoke with respect about the Sri Lankan forces who had displayed unending patience and discipline in the face of humiliation from some of the IPKF members.” 

One of the officers pointed out to Gen.Gunaratne that despite the high casualties suffered by the IPKF, India had not thought it fit to build a memorial for it on its soil ,while Sri Lanka had built one adjacent to its own war memorial in Colombo courtesy the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa. “When he made this comment, I was watching his eyes very carefully and felt it was a sincere and heartfelt statement.”

Source:idrw.org . Read more at India No 1 Defence News Website , Kindly don't paste our work in other websites http://idrw.org/arming-ltte-against-indian-army-was-most-unfavorable-and-dangerous-maj-gen-gunaratne/#more-107753 .

புலிப் போரின் இறுதி நாட்கள் போர்க்குற்றவாளியின் சாட்சியம்

``பூச்சியப் பொதுமக்கள் இழப்பைப் பின்பற்றுமாறு அரசாங்கம் எமக்கு அறிவுறுத்தியது. இதனை நாங்கள் பின்பற்றினோம்.``

``பிரபாகரனின் இளைய மகன் பாலச்சந்திரனை இராணுவம் ஒரு போதும் பிடிக்கவில்லை இது பிழையான குற்றச்சாட்டு!``

ஜெனரல் கமால் குணரத்ன

டெய்லி பினான்சியல் ரைம்ஸ்சுக்கு அளித்திருந்த  அவரது செவ்வியின்
 இரண்டாவது பகுதி-

கேள்வி: சிறிலங்கா இராணுவமானது 2005-2009 வரையான காலப்பகுதியில் வெற்றிகளைக் குவிக்கும் ஒரு இராணுவமாக மாறியதாக நீங்கள் கூறினீர்கள். இந்த மாற்றத்திற்கான காரணங்கள் என்ன?

General Sarath Fonseka

பதில்: நாங்கள் கற்றுக் கொண்ட பாடங்களின் அடிப்படையில் இதனை நான் இங்கு உறுதிப்படுத்த முடியும். அப்போதைய சிறிலங்கா இராணுவம் மற்றும் சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத் தளபதி லெப்.ஜெனரல் சரத்பொன்சேகா ஆகியோர் பயங்கரவாதத்தை அழிப்பதற்கான தெளிவான இலக்கைக் கொண்டிருந்தனர். போரில் அனுபவ முதிர்ச்சி பெற்றிருந்தவர் என்ற வகையில் லெப்.ஜெனரல் சரத் பொன்சேகா புலிப்பயங்கரவாதத்தை முடிவுக்குக் கொண்டுவர வேண்டும் என்பதில் உறுதியாக இருந்தார். அவர் தனக்குப் பின் இராணுவத் தளபதியாகப் பொறுப்பேற்பவரிடம் போரைக் கையளிக்க மாட்டேன் என உறுதிபூண்டார்.

அவர் தனது வாக்குறுதியை நிறைவேற்றினார்.

ஆனால் அப்போதைய அரசாங்கத்தின் முழுமையான ஆதரவில்லாது புலிகளை இவரால் அழித்திருக்க முடியாது. அரசாங்கமானது சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தினரின் ஆளுமையைப் பலப்படுத்துவதற்கான அனுமதியை வழங்கியது. இதற்காக இராணுவத்திற்கான ஆட்சேர்ப்புக்கள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டன. இந்த ஆட்சேர்ப்பின் மூலம் 120,000 ஆகக் காணப்பட்ட இராணுவத்தினரின் எண்ணிக்கை 230,000 ஆக உயர்வடைந்தது.
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இடைக்குறிப்பு ENB
இது நடந்தேறியது நோர்வே 2002 பேச்சுவார்த்தைக்காலத்தில்!அன்ரன் பாலசிங்கம் `அக சுயநிர்ணய உரிமை பேசிய காலத்தில்! ISGA அதிகாரக் கனவில் புலித் தலைமைக்கு பொறிவைக்கப் பட்டிருந்த காலத்தில்!
மாவிலாறு அணை பூட்டப்படுவதற்கு முன்னால்!
அதாவது `சமாதான காலத்தில்`!!!
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நீங்கள் யுத்தத்தை முடிவிற்குக் கொண்டுவாருங்கள் அதில் நாங்கள் தலையீடு செய்யமாட்டோம் என முன்னாள் அதிபர் ராஜபக்ச, சரத் பொன்சேகாவிடம் தெரிவித்திருந்தார். அரசாங்கம் எமக்கு எல்லாவற்றையும்வழங்கியது. அதாவது யுத்தத்தை முன்னெடுப்பதற்கான அனைத்து வளங்கள், ஆயுதங்களை அரசாங்கம் எமக்கு வழங்கியது.

=================================
இடைக்குறிப்பு ENB
அரசாங்கத்துக்கு யார் வழங்கியது?
சீனா,ரசியா,இந்தியா,பாகிஸ்தான்,அமெரிக்கா,இங்கிலாந்து,
இஸ்ரேல்
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இக்காலப்பகுதியில், இராணுவ நடவடிக்கைகளை முன்னெடுப்பதற்கான ஆற்றல் மிக்க கட்டளைத் தளபதிகளை அப்போதைய இராணுவத் தளபதி தெரிவு செய்தார். இவர் மூப்பு அடிப்படையில் தெரிவு செய்யாது இராணுவத் தளபதிகள் கொண்டிருந்த ஆற்றல் மற்றும் அனுபவங்களின் அடிப்படையில் கட்டளைத் தளபதிகளை நியமித்தார். இந்த நேரத்திலேயே நான் பிரிகேடியராகப் பதவி உயர்த்தப்பட்டேன். எனக்கு மேல்பல மூத்த தளபதிகள் இருந்தபோதிலும் நான் ஒரு டிவிசன் கட்டளைத் தளபதியாக நியமிக்கப்பட்டேன்.

லெப்.ஜெனரல் சரத் பொன்சேகாவிற்கு அப்போதைய பாதுகாப்புச் செயலர் கோத்தபாய ராஜபக்சவின்ஆசியும் கிடைக்கப்பெற்றது. நன்கு திட்டமிடப்பட்ட வகையில் கொமாண்டோக்கள் மற்றும் பாதுகாப்புப் படையினர் களமிறக்கப்பட்டமையின் விளைவாக புலிகளின் தளங்களை வெற்றிகரமாக அழிப்பதற்கான
இராணுவ நடவடிக்கைகள் முன்னெடுக்கப்பட்டன.

கேள்வி: தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகள் அமைப்பானது தோல்வியுறுவதற்கான காரணங்கள் எவை?

பதில்: 2005 இற்கு முன்னர் யுத்தம் புரிந்த அதே இராணுவத்துடன் புலிகள் சண்டை பிடிக்கவில்லை என்பதே பிரதான காரணமாகும்.

இறுதி யுத்தத்தின் போது மேலும் துறை சார் வளர்ச்சியைப் பெற்றிருந்த வித்தியாசமான உளச்சார்பைக் கொண்டிருந்த சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்துடனேயே புலிகள் யுத்தம் புரியவேண்டியிருந்தது. எல்லா மட்டங்களிலும் நியமிக்கப்பட்டிருந்த சிறிலங்கா இராணுவக் கட்டளைத்தளபதிகள் சிறந்த அனுபவத்தைப் பெற்றிருந்தனர். நான் முன்னர் கூறியது போன்று நாங்கள் புலிகளின் பலவீனத்தை அடையாளங் கண்டுகொண்டு அவற்றிலிருந்து பாடங்களைக் கற்றுக் கொண்டு செயற்பட
ஆரம்பித்தோம்.

நாங்கள் முன்னர் ஒரு மரபுசார் இராணுவமாகப் போர் புரிய விரும்பினாலும் கூட, நான்காம் கட்ட ஈழப்போரில் சிறப்புப் படைகள் மற்றும் கொமண்டோக்கள் தமது சிறிய குழுக்களை போரில்
ஈடுபடுத்தி போரை வெற்றி கொள்ள உதவினர். புலிகள் அமைப்பானது இந்த முறையையே முன்னர் பின்பற்றி எமக்கு அச்சத்தை ஏற்படுத்தியிருந்தனர். இந்தத் தடவை நாங்கள் எமது போர் உத்திகளை மாற்றிக்கொண்டோம். இதன்மூலம் புலிகளுக்கு அச்சத்தைத் தோற்றுவித்து போரை வெற்றி கொண்டோம்.

பிரபாகரன் தனது கெரில்லா போர் முறைமையிலிருந்து மாறவிரும்பிய அதேவேளையில் நாங்கள்எம்மாலானளவு மரபுசார் போரியலிலிருந்து எம்மை விலக்கிக் கொள்ள வேண்டும் என முயற்சித்தோம்.

இதுவே புலிகளின் மிகப்பெரிய தோல்வியாக இருந்தது. இதன் பின்னர் புலிகள் தமது சொந்த மக்களை மனிதக் கேடயங்களாகப் பயன்படுத்தினர். இதுவே புலிகள் தமது மக்களின் ஆதரவை இழப்பதற்கான முக்கிய காரணிகளில் ஒன்றாகும்.

உயர் போரியல் படையாக மாறிய பின்னர், பிரபாகரன் தனது படையை மரபுசார் படையாக மாற்றியமைத்தமையானது புலிகள் விட்ட மிகப் பெரிய தவறுகளுள் ஒன்றாகும்.

வேவுப் புலிகள், வெடிபொருள் வல்லுனர்கள், தற்கொலைக் குண்டுதாரிகள், அதனுடைய ஆட்லறிப் படையணி போன்ற உயர் போரியல் ஆற்றலைக் கொண்டிருந்த புலிப்போராளிகளை பிரபாகரன் மரபுசார்படையணியாக மாற்ற முற்பட்டமையே போர்க் களத்தில் புலிகள் தோற்றதற்கான பிரதான காரணமாகும்.

சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தினர் பல்முனைகளிலிருந்தும் தாக்குதலை நடத்தக் கூடிய உயர் வலுவுள்ள ஒரு இராணுவமாக மாறியமை புலிகளின் தோல்விக்கான பிறிதொரு காரணமாகும்.

இதன்காரணமாக, மனிதவலுவைக் குறைந்தளவில் கொண்டிருந்த புலிகள் தொடர்ந்தும் போர்க் களத்தில் தாக்குப் பிடிக்க
முடியவில்லை.

கேள்வி: போரில் ஏற்பட்ட சோர்வுநிலை மற்றும் புலிகள் அமைப்பின் மூத்த கட்டளைத் தளபதிகளின் வயதுகள் அதிகரித்தமை இதனால் இவர்களால் துடிப்புடன் செயலாற்ற முடியாமையே புலிகள் போர்க்களத்தைத் தக்கவைத்திருக்க முடியாமைக்கான காரணங்கள் என புலிகள் அமைப்பின் மகளிர் அரசியற்துறைப் பொறுப்பாளர் எஸ்.தமிழினி தான் எழுதிய நூலில் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளார். இது தொடர்பான தங்களின்கருத்து என்ன?

பதில்: நான் தமிழினி எழுதிய நூலை வாசிக்கவில்லை. ஆனாலும் இதில் குறிப்பிடப்பட்டுள்ள காரணங்களை என்னால் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளமுடியவில்லை. பிரபாகரன் இளமையாக இருந்தாலென்ன அல்லது அவருக்கு வயது போயிருந்தாலும் கூட இவர் தொடர்ந்தும் இரக்கமற்ற ஒருவராகவே விளங்கினார். யுத்தத்தின் இறுதிக் கணம் வரை பிரபாகரனின் தலைமைத்துவம் மிகவும் மேன்மை மிக்கதாகக் காணப்பட்டது. புலிகளின்
ஏனைய தலைவர்களான பாணு, இரட்ணம் மாஸ்ரர், சூசை போன்றவர்களும் அசாத்தியமான கட்டளைத் தளபதிகளாக விளங்கினர். போரின் இறுதிச் சில நாட்களில் சூசை கட்டளை வழங்கிய போது எவரும்பின்னோக்கிச் செல்ல விரும்பவில்லை. இந்தத் தலைவர்களின் கட்டளையின் கீழ் புலிகளின் கொமாண்டோக்கள் சிறப்பாகச் செயற்பட்டனர்.

மாரடைப்புக் காரணமாக இறந்த புலிகள் அமைப்பின் கட்டளைத் தளபதிகளில் ஒருவரான பால்ராஜின் இழப்பானது புலிகளுக்குப் பாரிய இழப்பாகும். இவர் புலிகள் அமைப்பின் சிறந்த தலைவர்களுள்ஒருவராவார். இதேபோன்று புலிகள் அமைப்பின் சிறந்த கட்டளைத் தளபதிகளில் ஒருவரான கருணா அம்மானையும் புலிகள் இழக்க வேண்டியேற்பட்டது. இதேபோன்று புலிகளின் கட்டளைத் தளபதி தீபன்புதுக்குடியிருப்புப் பகுதியில் இடம்பெற்ற தாக்குதலில் பலியாகினார். புலிகள் அமைப்பின் சிறந்த தளபதிகள் தொடர்ந்தும் பலியாகிய போதிலும் புலிகளின் உயர் தலைமையானது யுத்தத்தின் இறுதி நிமிடங்கள்வரை தைரியத்துடன் யுத்தத்தை நடாத்தியது.

கேள்வி: இறுதி யுத்தத்தின் போது சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தால் மனித உரிமை மீறல்கள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டதாக மனித உரிமை ஆர்வலர்கள் மற்றும் அனைத்துலக மனித உரிமை அமைப்புக்கள் குற்றம் சுமத்தின.இவ்வாறான குற்றச்சாட்டுக்கள் தொடர்பில் தங்களின் பதில் என்ன?

பதில்: இறுதி யுத்தத்தின் போது டிவிசன் கட்டளைத் தளபதியாக இருந்தவன் என்கின்ற வகையில் நான் இத்தகைய குற்றச்சாட்டுக்களைப் பலமாக மறுக்கிறேன். போரின் இறுதிக்கட்ட யுத்தத்தின் போது சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தினர் மனித உரிமை மீறல்கள் மற்றும் போர்க் குற்றங்கள் எவற்றிலும் ஈடுபடவில்லை.

இது இராணுவத்திற்கும் பயங்கரவாதிகளுக்கும் இடையிலான யுத்தமாகும். போர்ச் சூழலில்நிச்சயமாக இழப்புக்கள் ஏற்படும்.

மனிதாபிமானச் சட்டத்தை நாங்கள் பின்பற்றி பொதுமக்கள் மீதான இழப்புக்களைக் குறைப்பதற்கான சாத்தியமான அனைத்து முன்னெச்சரிக்கை நடவடிக்கைகளையும் முன்னெடுத்தோம்.

இதன் காரணமாகவே நாங்கள் எமது இராணுவ நடவடிக்கையை மனிதாபிமான நடவடிக்கை என்ற பெயரில் மேற்கொண்டோம்.
இந்த இராணுவ நடவடிக்கையின் அர்த்தத்திற்கு நாங்கள் முழுமையாக மதிப்பளித்தோம். நாங்கள் மக்கள் வாழ்ந்த பகுதிகள் மீது தாக்குதல் நடத்தவில்லை. பூச்சியப் பொதுமக்கள் இழப்பைப் பின்பற்றுமாறு அரசாங்கம் எமக்கு அறிவுறுத்தியது. இதனை நாங்கள் பின்பற்றினோம்.

கேள்வி: இறுதியாக, புலிகளின் தலைவர் தங்களின் வீரர்களுடன் 45 நிமிட யுத்தத்தை மேற்கொண்டிருந்தார். இதன் போது பிரபாகரனை உயிருடன் பிடிக்க முடியும் என்பதில் நீங்கள் உறுதியாக இருந்தீர்களா?

பதில்: எமது இராணுவத்தினர் அவரை மிக விரைவாகப் பிடித்துவிடுவார்கள் என்பதில் நான் மிகவும் உறுதியாக இருந்தேன். புலிகளின் கட்டுப்பாட்டிலிருந்த மக்கள் பாதுகாப்புத் தேடி எமது பக்கத்திற்கு இடம்பெயர்ந்து வந்தபோது நான் இதனை உணர்ந்தேன். நாங்கள் வரைபடத்தைப் பார்த்த போது, புலிகளின் கட்டுப்பாட்டிலிருந்த பகுதிகள் மிக வேகமாக எமது கட்டுப்பாட்டிற்குள் வந்துள்ளதை நாம்அறிந்துகொண்டோம்.

பொதுமக்களுடன் சேர்ந்து புலிகளும் எமது கட்டுப்பாட்டுப் பகுதிக்குள் ஓடிவந்தமையே இதற்கான காரணமாகும். இதனால் பிரபாகரனுடன் யுத்தம் புரியும் அந்த நாள் வெகு தூரத்தில் இல்லை
என்பதை நாங்கள் ஊகித்தோம். 18 மே 2009 அன்று யுத்தமானது முடிவிற்கு வந்தது. 

ஆனால் லெப்.ஜெனரல் சரத் பொன்சேகா மற்றும் எனக்குள் அந்தப் பெரிய கேள்வி ஒன்று இருந்தது. அதாவது பிரபாகரன் எங்கே?

என்பது தான் அந்தக் கேள்வியாகும்.

நாங்கள் வடக்கின் ஒவ்வொரு அங்குல நிலத்தையும் கைப்பற்றி விட்டோம் என அறிவிக்குமாறு நான் இராணுவத் தளபதியிடம் கேட்ட போது அதற்கு அவர் பிரபாகரனை உயிருடன் பிடிக்காது யுத்தமானது ஒருபோதும் நிறைவுக்கு வராது எனக் கூறினார். 

ஒவ்வொருவரும் பிரபாகரனைப் பார்ப்பதற்காக ஆவலுடன் காத்திருந்த போது, நந்திக்கடல் நீரேரியில் இடம்பெற்ற 45 நிமிட யுத்தத்தின் பின்னர் பிரபாகரனை நான்காவது விஜயபா காலாற்படையணி பற்றாலியன் வீரர்கள் கொன்றுவிட்டதாக அறிவிக்கப்பட்டது.

கேள்வி: பிரபாகரன் உயிருடன் கொழும்பிற்குக் கொண்டுவரப்பட்டு பின்னர் கொல்லப்பட்டார் என சிலர் கூறுகின்றனர். இது தொடர்பான தங்களின் கருத்து என்ன?

பதில்: இது வதந்தி. தாக்குதலின் போது இவர் கொல்லப்பட்டார் என்பதே உண்மையாகும். பிரபாகரன் அங்கிருந்தார் என்கின்ற தகவலானது மே 19 காலை வரை எவருக்கும் தெரியாது. இதுவே புலிகளுடனான எமது இறுதி யுத்த களமாக இருந்தது.

எமது வாழ்வுடன் கிட்டத்தட்ட மூன்று பத்தாண்டுகளாக விளையாடிய மனிதன் எனது கண்முன்னால் வீழ்ந்து கிடந்த அந்தத் தருணமானது போர் வீரர் என்ற வகையில் என்னால் மறக்க முடியாத ஒரு தருணமாகும்.

‘சேர் நாங்கள் பிரபாகரனைக் கொன்றுவிட்டோம்’ என எனது வீரர்கள் மகிழ்ச்சியுடன் ஆர்ப்பரித்தார்கள். எமது இராணுவத்தின் அனைத்து டிவிசன் தளபதிகள் மற்றும் வீரர்களின் முழுமையான அர்ப்பணிப்பின்காரணமாக இந்த யுத்தமானது முடிவிற்குக் கொண்டு வரப்பட்டது எனக் கூறுவதில் நான் பெருமையடைகிறேன். இது ஒரு கூட்டு முயற்சியாகும்.

கேள்வி: பிரபாகரனின் இளைய மகன் பாதுகாப்புப் படையினரால் கொல்லப்பட்டார் எனக் கூறப்படுகிறது. இது தொடர்பான தங்களின் கருத்து என்ன?

பதில்: இந்தக் குற்றச்சாட்டை நான் முற்றாக மறுக்கிறேன். இவரை சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தினர் ஒருபோதும் உயிருடன் பிடிக்கவில்லை. இது பிழையான குற்றச்சாட்டாகும்.

எவர் துப்பாக்கித் துளைகள் இவை ?

கேள்வி: தங்களது இளமைக்காலம் முழுமையையும் இந்த நாட்டில் சமாதானம் ஏற்பட வேண்டும் என்பதற்காக புலிகள் அமைப்புடன் போரிட அர்ப்பணித்து தற்போது சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்திலிருந்து
ஓய்வுபெற்றுவிட்டீர்கள். தற்போது நீங்கள் என்ன கூறவிரும்புகிறீர்கள்?

பதில்: ஆம், மூன்று பத்தாண்டுகளுக்கும் மேலாக நான் அணிந்த சீருடையைத் தற்போது நான் கழற்றிவிட்டேன். நான் வெற்றி பெற்ற சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தின் பெருமைக்குரிய வீரனாக செப்ரெம்பர் 05 அன்று ஓய்வுபெற்றுள்ளேன். நான் ஒருபோதும் தோல்வியுற்ற வீரனாக ஓய்வுபெற விரும்பவில்லை. ஆகவே நான் எனது கனவை நனவாக்கி விட்டேன். இனி நான் எனது குடும்பத்தாருடன் சாதாரண வாழ்க்கை வாழ்வேன்.

பிரியாவிடை- போர்க்குற்றவாளிகள்: Kamal,Rajapaksa, Gotha Paya

எனக்கு மட்டுமல்லாது, போரில் கட்டளையிட்ட எனது சக அதிகாரிகளும் தமது இளமைக்காலம் முழுமையையும் புலிகள் அமைப்புடன் போரிடுவதற்காக காடுகளில் செலவிட்டதன் மூலம் தமது வாழ்வைஅர்ப்பணித்தனர். நாங்கள் அதிகளவான தியாகங்கள், ஈடுபாடுகள் மற்றும் அர்ப்பணிப்புக்களின் மூலம் சமாதானத்தை எட்டியுள்ளோம். நிலையான சமாதானம் ஒன்றை நாட்டில் தொடர்ந்தும் தக்கவைத்திருக்கவேண்டியது இந்த நாட்டின் அரசியற் தலைமையின் பொறுப்பு என நான் கருதுகிறேன்.

நாங்கள் நல்லிணக்கம் தொடர்பாகக் கதைக்கிறோம். ஆனால் நிலஅதிகாரம், அதிகாரப் பகிர்வு, காவற்துறை மற்றும் நீதி சார் அதிகாரம், சிங்களவர் என்ற வகையில் கிளிநொச்சி வைத்தியசாலை பொறுப்பதிகாரியை நீக்குமாறு கோரிக்கை விடுத்தமை தொடர்பான கோரிக்கைகளை நாங்கள் செவிமடுக்கிறோம். தேசிய கீதத்தை நாங்கள் தமிழில் இசைத்தோம். ஆனால் மீளிணக்கம் இடம்பெறவில்லை.

சமாதானத்தைக் குழப்பும் அண்மைய சில செயற்பாடுகள் தொடர்பாக அரசாங்கம் விழிப்புடன் இருக்க வேண்டும். அரசியல் தலைமையானது இவற்றை அகன்ற திரையின் ஊடாகப் பார்க்க வேண்டிய தேவையுள்ளது.

Road to Nanthikkdal

கேள்வி: தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகள் மீண்டும் புத்துயிர் பெறுவார்கள் என நீங்கள் கருதுகிறீர்களா?

பதில்: இந்தச் சூழலானது சரியான முறையில் கையாளப்படாவிட்டால், புலிகள் மீண்டும் புத்துயிர் பெறுவார்கள். ஏனெனில் 12,400 வரையான முன்னாள் போராளிகள் சமூகத்தில் வாழ்கின்றனர். இவர்கள்முழுமையான புனர்வாழ்வுப் பயிற்சிக்கு உட்பட்டாலும் கூட, இவர்கள் பொதுமக்களுடன் 100 வீதம் ஒன்றிணைந்து வாழ்கின்றனர் எனக் கருதமுடியாது. இவ்வாறானதொரு சூழல் உருவாகினாலும் கூட பிரபாகரனின் தலைமைத்துவம் போன்று புதிய தலைமைத்துவமானது வினைத்திறனுடன் செயற்படாது.

புலிகள் அமைப்புத் தொடர்பான கருத்தியலானது தற்போதும் உயிர்பெற்று வாழ்வதால் இவர்கள் மீண்டும்புத்துயிர் பெறலாம். தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பின் நிகழ்ச்சி நிரலானது ஈழம் மட்டுமே என்பதால் தமிழ் அரசியற் தலைவர்கள் என்பதை என்னால் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ள முடியாது.

செவ்விகண்டவர் –  Shanika Sriyananda வழிமூலம்    –   Daily FT மொழியாக்கம் நித்தியபாரதி

நன்றி புதினப்பலகை

காஸ்மீர் தேசத்தை துண்டாடும் இந்திய விரிவாதிக்கத்தின் சதி திட்டம்

Sanjeev Nayyar 

Is it time to divide J&K into three?
September 10, 2016 13:04 IST


Since 1950 successive governments have tried various options but failed to reduce alienation amongst the people, for different reasons, of Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh. It is best to accept this reality and let each region charter its own path, within the framework of the Indian Constitution, says Sanjeev Nayyar.

The Kashmir Valley has hogged newspaper headlines for nearly two months now for all the wrong reasons.

Everyone wants a solution to the Kashmir problem but are phrases like Kashmiryaat, Insaniyat and composite Sufi culture the solution?

The author first visited Kashmir Valley in 1988, followed by a 2,000 km drive through Jammu region and the Valley in 2014 and extensively covered Ladakh in 2016. During these travels I met a cross section of people.

This article uses insights gained to suggest a different way forward for Jammu & Kashmir.

Besides visiting Srinagar and Gulmarg in 1988, I did a seven-day trek from Pahalgaum to Sonmarg. On the last night, we stayed in the hut of a shepherd. A local lady gave us (me and a French couple) dinner and a place to sleep. Naturally we offered to pay. She said, 'I will take money from you because you are Indian'. No issues. Post breakfast the lady had no qualms in asking the same Indian for his slippers, as a gift, since she liked them very much.

This incident of nearly 30 years ago best symbolises Kashmiri attitude towards India. They want what India has to offer and simultaneously consider Indians as alien. In 2016 the author visited three Kashmiri shops next to west entrance of Meenakshi Temple in Madurai -- Can Indians open shops in the Valley?

Has anything changed?

In 2014, I travelled to Basohli, Rajouri, Poonch, Anantnag, Verinag, Kishtwar, Bhadarwah and Jammu. Of these all except Anantnag and Verinag are in Jammu region.

Basohli, approximately 160 km from Jammu, is well known for a style of painting characterised by vigorous use of primary colours and a peculiar facial formula. It is from here that this style spread to Chamba and Kangra in Himachal. We met with members of Vishwasthali, a social and cultural organisation that is striving to keep the tradition alive by teaching young children. They complained about negligible state government support.

J&K is a huge state of 101,387 sq kms of which Ladakh has 58.3 per cent, Jammu 26 per cent and Kashmir 15.7 per cent.

In Rajouri locals were concerned about the local effect of violence in Kashmir because the state PWD constructed Mughal Road reduced travel time to about four hours.

In Poonch people spoke about uncertainty caused by frequent cease-fire violations by Pakistan and lack of employment opportunities hence wanted reservations in government jobs for the Pahari-speaking peoples.

In the Valley, at Anantnag most children kept a distance from us at the Surya Martand Mandir. We lost our way in the dark whilst driving to Verinag -- everyone whom we asked for directions looked at us suspiciously.


During an early morning walk in Verinag, the author was asked if he had visited Srinagar. When I said no, they looked aghast as if had committed a crime indicating their Valley centric approach. Ditto in Kishtwar.

In Verinag, the river Jhelum (Sanskrit name Vitasta) rises from a kund (pond). The author asked a local how a small stream caused so much damage in Srinagar during the 2014 floods. He said the stream was joined by smaller rivers but avoided referring to the construction over water outlet channels in Srinagar.

The response symbolises Valley approach -- blame others but refuse to accept responsibility for your actions.

In Kishtwar (Jammu region) I asked two men if they were locals -- the instant response we are from Kashmir.

It was in Jammu that the author found near total alienation:

A feeling of being discriminated since 1951 when the number of legislators was wrongly decided in favour of Kashmir.

Lack of employment opportunities meant locals had to seek jobs outside. 'Jammu is becoming a city of old people and pensioners,' said a senior citizen.

They wondered why IT companies did not open development centres in Jammu to take advantage of educated local talent. Who would do so given the restrictions on purchase of property by non-citizens of J&K. Though not said explicitly, they felt trapped by such restrictive provisions.

Maximum number of government jobs and expenditure were cornered by Valley. Their voices indicated helplessness.

I met with west Pakistan refugees who are citizens of India but not permanent residents of J&K.
In spite of huge potential, tourism to Jammu region is not promoted by the state government.

When I asked for information on Rajouri and Poonch, official at tourist office said these were border areas, none went there.

The response in Ladakh region was slightly different.

In Leh, Pangong Lake or dhabas along the Leh Srinagar highway the only reference to Kashmir was in the context of how violence had reduced tourist inflows. Some criticised the Valley vehemently whilst others chose to ignore citing the continuous surge in domestic and foreign tourists.

Is this attitude the result of Buddhist approach to life or because Ladakh was not a victim of terrorism, unlike Jammu region, is difficult to say?

When I praised the four-lane road from Leh to Karu, the driver snapped to say it became four-lane after the formation of the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council. A sense of anger exists but is not easily manifest. After constant nudging a Ladakhi said, "When Leh and surrounding areas were buried in a mudslide few years back, bodies at the government hospital had to be dumped in garages because there was no mortuary. Funds were being asked from the state government for past few years but were not released."

At a Tibetan shop in Leh's main market had a stimulating discussion with a 28-year-old Kashmiri shop owner who blamed the Indian Army and former governor Jagmohan for wrong doings in the Valley. The author said, ask your friend how has India treated the Tibetans?

The discussion reiterated the stubborn refusal of Kashmiris to accept their wrongdoings.

In Kargil, teachers at the Army Goodwill School and residents of Panikhar village in Suru valley (65 kms away) were happy with their state. In village Bhimbat, 5 kms from Dras town, saw locals (Muslims) visit a huge rock that is supposed to be the solidified body of Pandava Bhim.

The observations can be summed up as follows.

The cultures of Jammu, Valley and Ladakh are very different. "Ethnically they are different; their language and cultures are different, their needs and requirements are totally different. Even ecologically, they fall in a different zone. The culture of Poonch is closer to that of Rawalkot in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir.

Cutting across religious lines the people of Jammu and Ladakh regions are unhappy with the state government’s excessive focus on the Valley.

People of these two regions are happy but are hostage to the violence in Kashmir.
They believe that if restrictions imposed by the state constitution are removed, their regions would develop and progress.

In spite of being discriminated against by every state government and being victims of terrorism (especially the Jammu region) they did not express their unhappiness through the gun.

Since 1950 successive governments have tried various options but failed to reduce alienation amongst the people, for different reasons, of Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh. It is best to accept this reality and let each region charter its own path, within the framework of the Indian Constitution.

Therefore, it is proposed that J&K be divided into three smaller states. Ladakh becomes a Union Territory, the area from Poonch to Kishtwar becomes Jammu state and the Valley is Kashmir state. The two states would be independent financial units like other states of India.

Ladakh and Jammu regions have a mixed population of Buddhists, Hindus and Shia Muslims while Kashmir is pre-dominantly Sunni Muslim.

The division is not based on religious lines and does not take away the right of displaced Kashmiri Pandits to return to the Valley.

Since Ladakh has immense geo-political significance, UT status means decentralisation of powers, adequate funding from the Centre and better infrastructure. The region is scenic, terrain attractively different and has lovely people meaning huge tourism potential. Autonomous Hill Councils will give people's representatives a say. Restrictions on purchase of land by non-locals be imposed to ensure people from other states do not buy property as has happened in Uttaranchal.

According to a 2002 interview http://www.rediff.com/news/2002/aug/05inter.htm with Thupstan Chhewang, chairman, Ladakh Hill Development Council, “Ladakh was an independent kingdom till 1836, when it was invaded and annexed to the Dogra state of Jammu. In 1947, when India was granted Independence, we were part of the principality of Jammu and Kashmir. It is how we became part of the Jammu and Kashmir state.”

“At the time of Partition, the people of Ladakh approached the maharaja and later (in 1949), they approached the Indian prime minister with the same demand: we do not want to be part of the Jammu and Kashmir state. We wanted Ladakh to be directly administered by Delhi. We already had an apprehension that Ladakh would be discriminated against by the Kashmiris and it has happened now for the past 40 years.”

The proposed division restores pre-1836 status.

The existing Jammu and Kashmir Constitution would apply to Kashmir only since they are its biggest proponents. The central and state governments might like to consider special autonomy to the state, within the framework of the Indian Constitution, based on the principal of reciprocity.

The state of Jammu to ensure adequate representation is given to all sections of society. The displaced persons of POK and other refugees would then be entitled to vote in state elections, be eligible for government jobs and social benefits.

Smaller states ensure better administration. Note that J&K is a huge state of 101,387 sq kms of which Ladakh has 58.3 per cent, Jammu 26 per cent and Kashmir 15.7 per cent. Mountainous terrain makes the task of administration more challenging.

Pakistan will object to any plan till J&K becomes its part in entirety.

Sanjeev Nayyar is an independent columnist. On Twitter: @sanjeev1927

Sanjeev Nayyar

'Element of fear is gone' for Kashmir's youth - Parvez Imroz

NEWS KASHMIR 6 SEPTEMBER 2016

Parvez Imroz, the founding president of the JKCCS group [Faisal Khan/Al Jazeera]

Q&A: 'Element of fear is gone' for Kashmir's youth

Parvez Imroz, a leading rights activist in Kashmir, speaks to Al Jazeera on the current unrest and its fallout.

Srinagar - Indian-administered Kashmir has been in turmoil since July 8 when rebel commander Burhan Wani was killed by Indian security forces.

More than 70 people have been killed and thousands wounded in the ensuing unrest, including hundreds with serious eye injuries from pellets guns fired by Indian security personnel, who have faced criticism for using excessive forces against the protesters.

The disputed region has mostly remained under a curfew since the unrest began.
An all-party delegation from New Delhi concluded a recent visit to the Himalayan region but no breakthrough could be reached on how to end nearly two months of deadly violence. 

Al Jazeera spoke to Parvez Imroz, a leading human rights activists in the Kashmir valley, about the situation in the region.

Imroz is the founding president of the Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS), which runs advocacy campaigns, documents rights violations and provides legal assistance to victims.

Al Jazeera: How do you see the Jammu and Kashmir state government's handling of the widespread protests in Kashmir following the killing of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani?

Imroz: Everything is controlled by the police and Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) [paramilitary forces] on the streets here. The state government looks isolated as more Border Security Force (BSF) troops have been called in.

The state government doesn't seem to have any say in the decision making. They're struggling to have some face saving now, given the rising number of deaths and pellet- and bullet-injured people.

It is the Indian home ministry and defence ministry that is controlling things here and calling all the shots.

Al Jazeera: How do you see the role of Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti?

Imroz: The present civilian uprising and widespread protests are beyond the expectations of government here. After [the] 2010 uprising, with the passage of time, the anger intensified. And it has been an unexpected uprising this time around.

The only fear [the] government of India had was that they never wanted people to come out in large numbers on the streets in Kashmir like they did in 2008 and 2010. But it's happening again.

The politicians of ruling and opposition parties are also making contradictory statements, which further damages their credibility among people in Kashmir.

Al Jazeera: How is the current uprising different from the 2008 and 2010 mass protests?

Imroz: It can be seen as a continuation of the 2008 and 2010 uprisings. About 600,000 troops are not here to fight a few hundred militants but to control the population.

The People’s Democratic Party-Bharatiya Janata Party (PDP-BJP) coalition government has been on the offensive here since it came to power with agendas such as proposed Sainik [army] colonies, separate townships for [displaced] Kashmiri Pandits etc.

People here had a feeling that the local PDP party in coalition with Hindu nationalist BJP had decided to go ahead with their divisive plans and policies.

Also, the treatment meted out by the BJP government to minorities elsewhere, including Muslims, weighed heavily on the minds of people here. The jingoistic corporate media further angered people here.

Al Jazeera: Do you think the prolonged period of curfews, snapping of mobile and internet services and other restrictive measures enforced by the government has further angered people?

Imroz: The more restrictions are enforced, and the more army and other paramilitary forces are called in, it is in a way the success of people's struggle here.

The government doesn't really know what to do and how to control protests.

The state has become more vehement, firing bullets and pellets on unarmed people. But, despite all this use of force, people are organising these protests well, which was not the case in the early 1990s.
It was more of an emotional outburst back then.

And many young people who are now on the streets have not seen the fear and terror that was instilled by the government forces in early 1990s.

Now that element of fear is gone.

Al Jazeera: What do you think has been the government's response to the protests?

Imroz: The Indian troops here have realised that they are working in a territory where people are hostile to them and they are seen as an occupation forces.

And there is no accountability for them when they are involved in human rights violations here.

Lot of inquiries and probes were ordered in the past but then nothing happened.

Here the army, CRPF, and police force is convinced that they will get away after shooting bullets and pellets at unarmed people.


They have appointed commission of inquiries in the past for human rights violations but finally nothing substantial came out of those enquiries.

On the contrary, those involved in human rights abuses and killings in Kashmir have been rewarded and awarded by the state.

Al Jazeera: The CRPF recently informed the High Court that there will be more fatalities if pellet guns are banned. Do you think the use of pellet guns in Kashmir should be completely stopped?

Imroz: This is not logic to say that had they not used pellet guns, there would have been more deaths. What kind of logic is it?

It's unacceptable.

OIC voices concern over situation in Indian-administered Kashmir
The number of injured is over 8,000 people till now and their numbers are rising with every passing day. And these people are crippled and will never be the same again.

At JKCCS, we have been documenting cases of previous torture and injured people. Many of these people later die, succumbing to their injuries.

I know a lot of tortured people who after five or six years of treatment died after going through painful and unsuccessful treatment for years.

More importantly, even a non-lethal weapon can be made into a lethal weapon depending on the person using it ... CRPF and police have not exercised restraint here while using these supposedly non-lethal weapons on unarmed protesters.

Recently, the images of an injured and bloodied Syrian boy shocked the entire Europe. But when a 14-year-old Kashmiri girl, Insha Malik, was blinded in both her eyes by pellets, it did not rock the conscience of people and civil society in India.

Al Jazeera: How significant is the proposed visit by UN rights body chief and what should be expected of UNHRC team's visit to assess the human rights situation in Kashmir, if they are allowed to visit by the government?

Imroz: People and governments in other countries are getting to know about the undemocratic ways of [the] Indian state in Kashmir. And the recent attacks and sedition charges on international humanitarian organisations like Amnesty International India are also taken note of.

The image of the Indian state that is going out to the world is that of a right-wing, undemocratic state.

Sartaj Aziz [foreign affairs adviser to the the Pakistani prime minister] has welcomed UNHRC to Pakistan, but India has denied them access to Kashmir. Earlier India also did not allow the special rapporteur on enforced disappearance and torture to visit Kashmir.

Pakistan, on the other hand, has allowed them [the UN] access.

In 2008, the EU passed a resolution when mass graves were found in Kashmir, but [the] government of India rejected it.

The Indian government is obsessed with sovereignty. They feel even the "K" word cannot be discussed.

I think India will not allow [the] UNHRC team to visit Kashmir as it will further internationalise the Kashmir issue.

Even the International Committee of the Red Cross presence in Kashmir is limited to visiting a few detention centres once in a while, and that is it. They can't work on issues of disappearances, torture and missing people here.

In other countries, ICRC has even excavated mass graves, but they are not allowed to work on such issues in Kashmir.

Al Jazeera: How do you see the situation emerging from here?

Imroz: The use of force against protesters is likely to continue. But one thing is certain - this uprising has given [a] new dimension to the resistance in Kashmir.

The young generation is really controlling things on the streets.

In [the] 1990s, and even till early 2000, some people from here would go and openly talk to the Indian government on behalf of people, but that can't happen now because people here have realised nothing comes out of these talks.

But it remains to be seen how young people leading the protests will organise themselves and lead the struggle in the times ahead.

Source: Al Jazeera News