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Tuesday, September 26, 2023

Justin Trudeau Accuses India of a Killing on Canadian Soil


Justin Trudeau Accuses India of a Killing on Canadian Soil

The Canadian leader said agents of India had assassinated a Sikh community leader in British Columbia in June. India called the accusation “absurd.”

Over the past number of weeks, Canadian security agencies have been actively pursuing credible allegations of a potential link between agents of the government of India and the killing of a Canadian citizen, Hardeep Singh Nijjar. Any involvement of a foreign government in the killing of a Canadian citizen on Canadian soil is an unacceptable violation of our sovereignty. In the strongest possible terms, I continue to urge the government of India to cooperate with Canada to get to the bottom of this matter. We’ve been clear we will not tolerate any form of foreign interference. As of today, and as a consequence, we’ve expelled a top Indian diplomat from Canada.

By Ian Austen and Vjosa Isai
Ian Austen reported from Ottawa, and Vjosa Isai from Toronto.

Sept. 18, 2023




Prime Minister Justin Trudeau of Canada said on Monday that “agents of the government of India” had carried out the assassination of a Sikh community leader in British Columbia in June, an explosive allegation that is likely to further sour relations between the two nations.

Speaking in the House of Commons, Mr. Trudeau said that he had raised India’s involvement in the shooting of the Sikh leader, Hardeep Singh Nijjar, directly with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the Group of 20 summit meeting earlier this month “in no uncertain terms.” He said the allegation was based on intelligence gathered by the Canadian government.

“Any involvement of a foreign government in the killing of a Canadian citizen on Canadian soil is an unacceptable violation of our sovereignty,” Mr. Trudeau told lawmakers. He said Canada would pressure India to cooperate with the investigation into the killing of Mr. Nijjar, who advocated Sikh separatism.

Mélanie Joly, the foreign minister, later announced that Canada had expelled an Indian diplomat whom she described as the head of India’s intelligence agency in Canada.

India’s foreign ministry rejected the Canadian allegations on Tuesday morning as “absurd” and politically motivated, saying that Canada had long provided shelter to “Khalistani terrorists and extremists” who threaten India’s security. Khalistan is what Sikh separatists call the independent state they seek to create.

The ministry said that Mr. Modi had “completely rejected” the allegations when Mr. Trudeau presented them to him. “We urge the government of Canada to take prompt and effective legal action against all anti-India elements operating from their soil,” the ministry said in a statement.

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It later said that it had moved to expel a senior Canadian diplomat based in India.

The allegation that India’s government was involved in a political killing in Canada is likely to further corrode relations between the two countries. Earlier this month, Canada suspended negotiations on a trade deal with India that were scheduled to have been concluded this year — because of the assassination allegations, it now appears. During the G20, Mr. Modi excluded Mr. Trudeau from the list of leaders with whom he held formal bilateral meetings.

Mr. Trudeau said many Canadians of Indian origin — they make up about 4 percent of the population — had been angered by the killing and in some cases feared for their personal safety. There are about 1.4 million Canadians of Indian heritage, many of whom are Sikhs; they include Jagmeet Singh, the leader of the opposition New Democratic Party, which is keeping Mr. Trudeau’s minority government in power. Singh is a common surname and middle name in Punjab.

Mr. Nijjar, 45, was shot near a Sikh temple in Surrey, British Columbia. At a news conference in June, investigators from the Royal Canadian Mounted Police said he had been ambushed by masked men, but would not say whether the attack appeared politically motivated.

Mr. Nijjar was known for his advocacy of the creation of an independent Sikh nation, Khalistan, that would include parts of India’s Punjab state, and India had declared him a wanted terrorist.

Citing the police investigation, neither Ms. Joly nor Dominic LeBlanc, the minister of public safety, offered any details about Indian involvement in the killing. But Mr. LeBlanc said that Jody Thomas, Mr. Trudeau’s national security adviser, as well as the head of Canada’s intelligence service, had traveled over the past few weeks “to confront the Indian intelligence agencies with these allegations.”

It was unclear from the two minister’s remarks how forthcoming the Indian government has been or what cooperation, if any, it has offered.

Ms. Joly said she planned to discuss India’s actions during meetings with Canada’s allies after she travels to New York this week for the United Nations General Assembly.

The announcement came on the same day that a judge opened a public inquiry into interference by foreign governments. It was prompted by allegations that China is meddling in Canadian politics, but Mr. LeBlanc said that reviewing India’s actions are within the inquiry’s mandate. “Obviously these allegations are at a much more serious level,” he said.

Mr. Nijjar was vocal about the threats to his life, which were shared with Canada’s spy agency, the World Sikh Organization of Canada, a nonprofit, said in a statement.

“If these allegations are true, they represent an outrageous affront to Canada’s sovereignty,” said Pierre Poilievre, leader of the Conservative Party. “Our citizens must be safe from extrajudicial killings of all kinds, most of all from foreign governments.”

Mr. Singh, the New Democratic Party leader, broke with protocol to address the House of Commons in Punjabi as well English and said he had spoken with Mr. Nijjar’s son. “I could hear the pain of that loss in his voice,” Mr. Singh said. “I can only imagine how much more painful it is going to be knowing this potential connection.”

Rumors about possible retribution by India against those critical of its government have stoked fear within the Sikh expatriate community and discouraged many from returning to that country, Mr. Singh said. But Canada, he said, had been seen as “a beacon of safety.”

“That safety and security that so many Canadians feel has now been rocked,” he said.

Sikhs are a relatively small religious group, with about 25 million adherents worldwide, most of them in India.

A violent Sikh insurgency that took shape in India in the 1980s killed a number of government officials. The government responded with widespread human rights abuses, including torture and extrajudicial killings, according to human rights groups.

In 1984, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi sent the military to storm the Golden Temple in Amritsar, the holiest site in Sikhism, which had been fortified by heavily armed Sikh militants. The government said hundreds of people were killed in the clash, but others put the death toll in the thousands.

In retaliation, two of the prime minister’s Sikh body guards assassinated her, prompting riots in which thousands of Sikhs were killed.

In 1985 a bomb exploded on an Air India flight from Toronto to London, killing all 329 people on board. It remains Canada’s deadliest terrorist attack and worst mass murder.

After a prolonged investigation and trial, two Sikh separatists from British Columbia were acquitted in 2005 of murder and conspiracy in that explosion as well as a second blast that killed two baggage handlers in Japan. Many witnesses had either died — some were murdered — or apparently been intimidated out of testifying. Wiretaps by Canada’s intelligence agency had been erased before they could be used as evidence and physical evidence was destroyed in the blast.

A third Sikh man was found guilty of manslaughter for his role in making the bombs and, later, of perjury at the murder trial.

About a year ago, Ripudaman Singh Malik, one of the men acquitted in 2005, was shot to death. Two men were later arrested, but the killing rattled the Sikh community in British Columbia.




🔴Trudeau went public with India allegations because story was going to come out in the media: minister


Canada's minister of emergency preparedness says the prime minister publicly implicated India in the murder of a Canadian citizen because he learned the story was going to come out in the media.

Justin Trudeau stood in Parliament on Monday and announced: "Canadian security agencies have been actively pursuing credible allegations of a potential link between agents of the government of India and the killing of a Canadian citizen, Hardeep Singh Nijjar."

The Sikh leader was shot dead outside a Sikh temple in Surrey, B.C., on June 18. India has vehemently denied involvement in his death and called Canada's allegations "absurd."

Nijjar was a supporter of a Sikh homeland in the form of an independent Khalistani state. India branded him a terrorist and accused him of leading a militant separatist group. His supporters deny this.

Minister Harjit Sajjan, the Liberal MP for Vancouver South, says the investigation into Nijjar's death is still ongoing, but Trudeau wanted to ensure Canadians had "the accurate information" about the story before it made headlines. Here is part of Sajjan's conversation with As It Happens host Nil Köksal.

What evidence is there to support the allegations the prime minister is making?

First and foremost, there is a police investigation currently undergoing and they're independent to conduct their investigation. It would be very inappropriate for me to discuss anything about that.

Why not wait until after the RCMP has finished its investigation? Why did the prime minister come out with what he said before that?

It was important for the prime minister to make the statement that he did because some information was going to ... come out within the media.

The safety of Canadians is very important and making sure that they have the accurate information. And that's one of the reasons why the prime minister went out with this statement.

One day after explosive allegation, Trudeau says he's not trying to 'provoke' India

Questions mount about security precautions for Nijjar after India's government linked to killing

You can't share the evidence with us. But how specific [have] the prime minister and other officials ... been able to be with the Indian government? Because you've heard what they've said. They've called this all "absurd" and are rejecting it outright.

Our government officials at various agencies have spoken with their Indian counterparts on this, and the prime minister has also raised this.

And I also just want to clarify one thing based on your question. When it comes to the evidence, it's the police that hold the evidence. And they, alone, decide the next actions on this. 

Do you worry, though, that the prime minister coming out with this before that investigation is finished … has hampered any potential attempts to get the kind of co-operation you need from India in this?

I can assure you that the decision for the prime minister to go out … was done with the full consultation of the appropriate agencies involved. 

And, again, we would prefer not to have to come out, but because if there were stories that were going to be coming out, it's important for the prime minister to make it very clear what is taking place based on, you know, the amount of information that could be provided.

Making sure to give calm to Canadians is an absolute priority for us. And this is one of the reasons why the prime minister went out, is to give confidence and calm to Canadians — and just in case somebody is trying to use certain information to divide Canadians, which we have seen many times in the past.

A group of Sikh men speak informally to each other for a posed photograph.

What do you say, though, to Canadians who worry that things aren't calm and that they may not be able to be protected by police? Because, as you well know,  Hardeep Singh Nijjar was warned by CSIS. The community in British Columbia, the Sikh community, people at the heart of this story, have said they have repeatedly told your government that something like this could and would happen. So why wasn't more done to protect him?

First of all, these types of operational questions will have to be answered by the RCMP. But one thing I can tell you [is] when it comes to the work that is done, there's a lot of work that happens also behind the scenes. Some can be talked about, but most of it can't. And I can say with absolute surety that when there is credible information, a threat to someone, our intelligence agencies and our police agencies do act swiftly on this. 

And right now, because there is an ongoing investigation, we can't talk about the details of the case, obviously.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau says India may be responsible for the killing of Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a prominent Sikh community leader in Surrey. Some of his supporters in Surrey say they hope justice will be served.

[Gurpreet Singh], an independent journalist who had interviewed Mr. Nijjar, told us last night on the program that {Mr. Nijjar] had been given a bullet-proof vest. He was allowed to use that. So were there not enough credible claims to protect him further?

I'm not going to get into details of what took place and what did not take place. But I can assure you and Canadians, when there is credible information by our intelligence agencies, they work very closely with the police agencies to make sure that the individual has the important information.

Former B.C. premier and former federal Liberal MP Ujjal Dosanjh was speaking to our colleagues at CBC News. And while he doesn't condone, he said, what has happened here and this killing, he said that your government has become, as he put it, a friend of the Khalistanis, not of India. 

So do you feel Canada is doing enough to draw a line between allowing freedom of expression in this country, but also making sure that it is not fuelling further conflict?

With absolute due respect to the former colleague, I absolutely disagree with his assertion on this. 

I'll be honest with you. My face turns blue [from] how many times we have said this. I don't know what else, sometimes, what we can do. The prime minister, myself, many other ministers, we've been very clear on our approach with this.

We absolutely will fight for the right for any Canadian to express their viewpoint peacefully. Anybody who crosses the line is absolutely unacceptable. 

We do not advocate for the break up of any other country, and especially India, and I've been very public about this in the past. 

I feel for all the Canadians who have constantly been questioned on their loyalty and who they are, and in some cases just because they bring up a certain viewpoint that they might have, and they do it in a peaceful manner, and they get labelled in a certain way.

Canada's allies aren't keen to take sides in confrontation with India over Sikh activist's death
We, as a very strong democracy, want to protect our independence, our police, our judicial system and freedom of the press and also the freedom to express their viewpoints peacefully. 

With files from CBC News. Interview produced by Morgan Passi. Q&A edited for length and clarity

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Sunday, September 24, 2023

Remembering LTTE ‘martyr’ Thileepan on his 36th death anniversary

 

The 26th of September has become an important day in Sri Lanka ever since the then Prime Minister Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike (SWRDB) was assassinated in 1959. Bandaranaike who was shot by Talduwa Somarama Thera on 25 September, succumbed to his injuries the following day. September 26th however is of particular significance to a substantial number of Sri Lankan Tamils also. For it was on this day in 1987 that a senior member of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Thileepan died in Nallu after undertaking a fast unto death.


Although the Tigers have lost thousands of cadres during the many years it waged war against the Sri Lankan State, the death of Thileepan was entirely different from the deaths of other LTTE fighters. Thileepan’s demise was not due to direct violence but due to non-violent direct action. He engaged in a fast unto death protest on 15 September 1987 and died after 12 days of fasting without even drinking water. This was after the Indo-Lanka accord of 29 July 1987. The Indian army referred to as the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) was stationed in Jaffna then.

Thileepan’s fast and death has been etched into the collective memory of Tamils over the years. His death is commemorated on a wide scale every year. The period between 15 September and 26 September is marked with acts of memorialisation in many parts of Northern and Eastern Sri Lanka and also in many countries where there are substantial concentrations of Tamils.

Thileepan’s 36th death anniversary falls next week on 26 September 2023. It is against this backdrop that this column focuses on the LTTE “martyr” Thileepan in this two-part article. The first part will be about Thileepan the person and his role in the LTTE. The second will be on his death – fast and its aftermath.

Thileepan whose name was Rasiah Parthiban was born on 29 November 1964. His father Rasiah “Master” was a respected school teacher. Parthiban was the youngest of four children all boys. He lost his mother while an infant and was brought up by his father. The family hailed from Urelu a village about eight miles from Jaffna town in the Valigamam sector of the Jaffna peninsula.

Though Thileepan’s given name was Parthipan there is a mistaken impression that his real name was Amirthalingam. This is not correct. This mistake however arose due to many LTTE members themselves addressing Thileepan at times as Amirthalingam. Thus he was popularly referred to as Amirthalingam. Why was Thileepan called Amirthalingam?

This was because Thileepan was in charge of the LTTE’s political wing in Jaffna for a long time.  He was the Tiger political commissar for many years. Thus he was jocularly regarded as a “politician” and not a guerrilla by fellow Tigers. Since former Leader of the opposition and Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) Secretary-General Appappillai Amirthalingam was the most important and well-known Tamil political figure at that time, Thileepan was also nicknamed Amirthalingam. It was a name that stuck.

Rasiah Parthipan alias Thileepan was a student at the well-known northern educational institution Jaffna Hindu College. During his school days he was the Jaffna district champion in chess and participated in all-island competitions. He sat for his G.C.E. A/L and obtained very good results that qualified him for admission to the medical faculty in 1983. Rasiah Parthiban did not enter university. Instead he entered the world of armed Tamil militancy by joining the LTTE.

Ravindran alias Pandithar

Initially he was recruited as a helper. Later he began assisting Ravindran alias Pandithar in recruitment. Thileepan did not receive any military training in North or South India. He received arms training locally in Jaffna. In those days former Jaffna LTTE commander Pandithar was in overall charge of both the military and political wings. Sathasivampillai Krishnakumar alias Kittu and Rasiah Parthiban alias Thileepan were placed second-in-command of the military and political wings respectively by Pandithar.

After Pandithar’s death in 1985 Kittu became Jaffna commander. Thileepan was placed in charge of the political section. He was given a comparatively free hand by Kittu. Soon Thileepan became a well-known figure in Jaffna. He interacted well with people and had a flair for public relations.

Promoted as LT. Colonel

LTTE supremo Prabhakaran who returned to Jaffna from India in January 1987 was greatly impressed by Thileepan’s ability and dedication. The LTTE leader promoted Thileepan as Lt. Colonel, a rank reserved only for district commanders in the LTTE hierarchy earlier.

Prabhakaran also appointed Thileepan in charge of all the LTTE political offices in the entire north-east. Thileepan’s headquarters was at Potpathy road in Kokuvil. After the first “Black Tiger” Capt. Miller’s death at Nelliaddi on 5 July 1987, the political headquarters was named “Miller Office”. A few months later, Thileepan himself like Miller was to court death voluntarily in September.

Although Thileepan was in charge of the political wing for a lengthy period of time, he was not a person who avoided actual combat. It was Kittu’s contention that there should not be a strict divide between the fighters and the political activists. Kittu felt that it would result in unwanted jealousies among the cadres and also nurture an unhealthy tradition where the fighter cadre would be “mutts” and political cadres “cowards”. Thus Thileepan actively participated in many military operations and was injured several times.

Once in Anaikottai the army stopped his motorcycle. The unarmed Thileepan lashed out at the soldiers with his bag and ran away. The soldiers fired and injured his arm. While scrambling through a fence, he lost his verti. Thileepan identified himself to an Anaaikottai resident and borrowed a “salvai” (shawl) from him and strapped it around his waist. Even as he was running away the strap on his rubber slipper gave way and he discarded it.

Thileepan got away with an injury on his arm. About a year later Thileepan held a political meeting at Anaikotai. After the meeting was over, an old woman came up to him and gave him a bag. It was the old rubber slipper with the ruptured strap carefully stitched back by the woman who had preserved it for nearly a year. Such was the esteem Thileepan had among the people then.

Thileepan also received wounds on his back in a skirmish outside the Jaffna fort. He was injured a third time in an operation in Thondamanaru. He received serious injuries on his stomach. Later seven inches of his intestines had to be removed.

The Tiger political commissar also had a brush with death when the vehicle he was driving was fired upon by a helicopter. Although the vehicle was riddled extensively Thileepan escaped without a scratch in typical Chuck Norris fashion.

Political chief of Jaffna

During Thileepan’s tenure as political chief of Jaffna he adopted new methods with the consent and concurrence of Kittu. The Jaffna peninsula was sub-divided by Thileepan into 23 political divisions with each division headed by a political commissar. All the political commissars would meet every Sunday at different locations under Thileepan’s Chairmanship. Reviews and reports were presented and all issues would be thrashed out in detail.

Another feature adopted by Thileepan was the introduction of a system whereby the people could convey their complaints to the LTTE through complaint boxes installed in various parts of the peninsula. People with grievances could write them and toss them into the boxes. Even anonymous complaints were entertained.

The people of Jaffna availed themselves of this opportunity and submitted complaints about LTTE cadres too. Disciplinary inquiries were initiated and consequent action was taken against LTTE cadres as a result of these complaints. This was the first time that the LTTE submitted itself to a partial degree of accountability to the people at least.

The LTTE political chief also travelled extensively throughout the peninsula and staged mass meetings and group discussions. He spoke fluent Tamil in a colloquial jargon without rhetorical flourishes. He also had a sense of humour and quickly related to people.

Once at Neervely the residents held a rally in protest against the thefts in the area. They set up road blocks and prevented traffic. All the Tamil militant movements sent their representatives. While all the other groups denied involvement in the robberies, Thileepan won the people over by saying, “I am not going to lie to you because you all know who is responsible.” Neervely became an LTTE bastion after Thileepan’s speech.

enb-poster 24-09-23


LTTE publication “Kalaththil”

Thileepan also edited the LTTE publication “Kalaththil” (in the field). He also started a journal “Suthanthirap Paravaigal” (birds of freedom) for the LTTE women cadres. It was edited by the woman fighters. Thileepan was a powerful and prolific writer. He also played a prominent role in the affairs of the LTTE Radio and Television network in Jaffna.

Trouble shooting was another positive aspect of Thileepan. He was on more than one occasion the LTTE trouble shooter. Thileepan maintained good relations with the other groups. Whenever incidents of frictions arose it was Thileepan’s lot to meet with the other groups and iron out differences. This was in the earlier days when the top movements were near equal in strength. Later when the Tigers became more powerful all differences were resolved through the barrel of a gun.

Thileepan also participated in important political discussions. He was a key member of LTTE delegations led by Kittu participating in talks with different people such as SLMP leader Vijaya Kumaratunga, Yatiyantota UNP Parliamentarian Vincent Perera, Lt. Col. Jayantha Kotelawela and members of the Buddhist clergy.

When LTTE supremo Prabhakaran was taken by helicopter to India for talks with the then Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi prior to the Indo-Lanka accord, Thileepan also accompanied the Tiger leader. Later Prabhakaran and others including Thileepan went by an Indian Air Force plane from Madras to New Delhi.

Thileepan under the guidance of Kittu was also responsible for setting up a political party for the LTTE named People’s Front of Tamil Eelam. This was in 1986. Twisted information passed by LTTE stalwart “Basheer Kaka” along with unfair criticism levelled by Anton Balasingham led Prabhakaran to view the exercise with suspicion. Kittu was ordered to abandon the project and Thileepan was summoned to Madras for questioning.

Thileepan could not go to Madras then as ordered because he fell ill and was later injured in combat. In 1989 the same People’s Front political project planned by Thileepan in 1986 was formally adopted by Prabhakaran after talks with the Government headed by President Ranasinghe Premadasa. The LTTE registered a political party named “People’s Front of Tamil Eelam” (PFLT) with Mahendrarajah alias “Mahathaya” as President and Narendran alias Yogi as Secretary.

“Reverse gear” motor cycle

Despite his remarkable political acumen, Thileepan was incredibly naive in mundane matters. He was the target of many a leg-pull. One story is about how Thileepan was told that another Tiger Ravi’s motorcycle had been equipped with “reverse gear”. Little realising it was a joke, Thileepan had remonstrated with Kittu that his motorcycle too should have the same.

Incidentally Thileepan’s motorcycle was perhaps the worst maintained within the LTTE. Kittu who was a stickler for proper vehicle maintenance tolerated laxity in this regard only from Thileepan.

The Indo-Lanka accord and subsequent events greatly troubled Thileepan. He felt that the Tamils had been betrayed and that it was only a matter of time before the Indian Army cracked down on the Tigers. He felt that the Sri Lankan Tamil people should be made fully aware of the impending doom. Political activity as in the past was not possible because of the pervasive Indian presence and also other Tamil groups. So Thileepan thought of a revolutionary concept.

Non-violent action

Thileepan knew that a violent response to India was to invite disaster as the Tamil people themselves would not be in favour of it. So he decided to adopt a non-violent course of action against India. What happened next will be related in detail in the second part of this article. 

(The writer can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com.)

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Note: Second part of this article (N/A)

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President Ranil Wickremesinghe addressed the UN General Assembly

PMD-The Island on 2023/09/22

President Ranil Wickremesinghe addressed the UN General Assembly in New York on Thursday (21)  on the theme “Rebuilding trust and reigniting solidarity” and its relevance to Sri Lanka’s recent challenges.

He mentioned how Sri Lanka faced significant social, economic and political challenges in the past year, including threats to democratic traditions but has managed to achieve a democratic transition.

He highlighted efforts made to stabilize the economy, including economic reforms and foreign assistance and said that his intention is to lead Sri Lanka towards sustainable recovery and growth, benefiting all segments of society and ensuring peace, prosperity and reconciliation.

The President also discusses the global geopolitical landscape, emphasizing the inter-connectedness of various challenges, such as climate change, debt and sustainable development. He stresses the need for international solidarity and climate finance, particularly for smaller, climate-vulnerable and debt-ridden countries.

President Wickremesinghe mentioned Sri Lanka’s commitment to climate action, including renewable energy goals, forest conservation and emissions reduction while expressing concern about the impact of climate change on food security, clean energy and livelihoods, emphasizing the urgency of mobilizing climate finance.

The President called on developed countries to fulfill their commitments, provide assistance and assume their share of responsibility, while underscoring the importance of restructuring the international financial system to address climate change and sustainable development.


Additionally, the President emphasized the need for reform in multilateral institutions like the UN, particularly the expansion of the Security Council’s composition and the importance of disarmament and the impact of global military expenditures.

Overall, the President’s speech highlighted the challenges faced both by Sri Lanka and the world, and  emphasized the importance of solidarity, climate action, disarmament and multilateral cooperation in addressing these issues.

Following is the full speech delivered by President Ranil Wickremesinghe at the 78th session of the United Nations General Assembly;

“Rebuilding trust and reigniting solidarity“ is an appropriate point of departure not only for reflecting on the challenges before the multilateral today, but also for reviewing developments in my own country, Sri Lanka, over the past year.


At this time last year, amidst multiple global crises, Sri Lanka was experiencing its most challenging period in recent times socially, economically and politically, which had a devastating impact on people’s lives.

Even our Democratic traditions were threatened by attempts to occupy our Parliament and bring it to a halt. Nevertheless, we succeeded in bringing about a democratic political transition, due to our deeply entrenched and resilient democratic traditions.

 Resorting to the re-graduation of Sri Lanka’s economy, coupled with the gift of fertilizer from the United States’ Government which led to a bumper harvest, has assisted us in ensuring stability during that period.

The reforms I have since initiated in the economic, financial, institutional and reconciliation fronts have been directed on the one hand towards rebuilding trust and confidence between the people and the government; and on the other, towards laying the foundation for economic stabilization and recovery. Sri Lankans are already witnessing the positive outcomes of these measures in their daily lives and the revival of confidence internally and externally in the progress of the country.

It is my intention to lead the country towards sustainable and stable recovery and growth which will benefit all segments of Sri Lankan society in all parts of the country, ensuring a future of peace, prosperity and reconciliation for the present and future generations of women and men. In reaching this goal, we will be accompanied by the support, trust, and solidarity of our own people and of the international community.

As we turn the corner towards the 80th anniversary of the UN and prepare for the Summit of the Future in 2024, we see the fragmented geopolitical landscape of a multi-polar world where new centers of global power have emerged.

Accompanying this systemic change, are, on one hand, great expectations of development and human progress with millions of people rising out of poverty to prosperity.

On the other hand, we see a world where former big power rivalries and geopolitical tensions have reignited in open war, overlapping with new theaters of conflict and tension on land and in the oceans. Security Alliances have expanded and recent arrangements have been formed to deal with strategic threat perceptions in old and new theaters of conflict. North-South divisions are widening with the digital divide, the financial and debt crisis and the energy transition. Contrary to the promise of 2030, today we are seeing levels of poverty and hunger not witnessed since decades.

Neutral, nonaligned countries of the global South such as Sri Lanka are once again constrained in-between new global power configurations facing those who not respect the sovereignty of our nations.

In numerous recent Declarations in the UN and beyond including at the G20 in Delhi, the BRICS in Praetoria and G7 in Hiroshima, we have agreed that our challenges are interconnected, across borders and all other divides. We must grasp the opportunity to unite in order to build an inclusive future.

It is an appropriate reflection of this current global predicament, that the theme of this year’s general debate is “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity”.

This year, in parallel with the UNGA, we have participated in three interrelated summits dealing with accelerating the SDGs, Financing for Development and Climate Ambition where we agreed that international solidarity and collective action is needed to address these simultaneously.

Cross-border financial impacts of crises such as climate change and the pandemic are impeding the ability of smaller indebted countries such as mine, to make progress on SDG’s and climate adaptation and mitigation. Conflicts and tensions among big powers are complicating the policy environment for the rest by adding uncertainty to economic and macro-financial stability, disrupting supply chains and causing inflation as well as food and energy insecurity.

Long before the SDGs, Sri Lanka had achieved high human and social development indicators which ranked us in a category well above other middle-income countries. Neither has Sri Lanka shirked its responsibility to the planet. Last year at COP27 we outlined our Climate Ambition Plan. We said that by 2030 we will have 70% renewable energy in electricity generation, increase forest cover by 32% and reduce greenhouse emissions by 14.5%. We will phase out coal by 2040, and reach net zero by 2050.

Our low carbon development trajectory gave us one of the lowest per capita carbon emission rates for a lower MIC country.

This year as a result of exogenous shocks and debt, the incremental progress we were proud to have reached has been reversed. Food inflation reached putting significant pressure on food security amongst vulnerable communities. At the same time children’s education and nutrition have suffered due to the pandemic and the economic crisis.

In parallel, last month in Sri Lanka we were grappling with the driest weather spell seen in recent years followed by torrential rainfalls.

Adverse climate outcomes spilling over onto our tight fiscal space just as we begin to stabilize from last year’s economic crisis. As a climate vulnerable developing country in debt crisis, the urgency to mobilize climate finance is greater today than it was ever before. However, despite promises made to which we were all witness, rich countries are not delivering to expectation.

Developed countries must do their part and fulfill what they agreed – assume their share of the common but differentiated responsibility, provide assistance for mitigation and adaptation and compensation for loss and damage.

National efforts alone will not suffice to ensure the success of the SDGs and reverse climate change. The need for global solidarity to restructure the international financial architecture is paramount. This is articulated loud and clear in multiple global fora including in G20, and the BRICS. The Secretary General’s SDG stimulus highlights the interconnections between the achievements of the SDGs, combatting climate change and the concrete interventions required by creditors sovereign and private, as well as by IFIs including to mitigate the debt crisis.

It is estimate that the 2008 financial crisis has cost the U.S. economy $4 trillion. Recent studies in the U.S. have stated that the impact of the pandemic on the U.S. economy from 2020 to 2024 would reach $14 trillion. These numbers would more than double if the rest of the global economy is added. We have not faced an economic crisis of this magnitude any time before in our modern history. The cost of World War 2 in today’s USD would amount to $4 trillion, and the Marshall Plan would be $ 150 billion.

This is the magnitude of the challenge before us. Therefore if we are unable to restructure the global fiscal order, then certainly we will fail in the struggle to reverse climate change and achieve the SDG goals.

There is still time for course correction as the crisis has not reached its peak. At the same time, the Paris Summit for a New Global Financing Pact will come up with the funding requirements.

Therefore, the Summit of the Future should not be crafting new programs, but re-structuring the present financial architecture to suit the needs of climate change and sustainable development.

This must be the priority of this General Assembly; we cannot afford to allow divisions to drive focus away from this crisis.

While key issues such as the Bridgetown Initiative and the necessity to address the debt of low-income countries are being discussed in this assembly, it is not commanding the attention it deserves. Unfortunately, the Security Council has failed to give priority to these connected issues of climate change, debt relief and sustainable development. This impacts the future of mankind. The survival of the planet must be our priority, we cannot afford to go into this war with a divided high command. The future of all species on the globe is dependent on our ability to put aside our rivalries until this crisis is solved.

Multilateral machinery which reflects the world of the past century needs to be reformed to meet the challenges of the present and the future, a machinery which has failed to find a solution to the longstanding Palestine question. The composition of the Security Council must be expanded to be representative of current global diversity and decision-making. In parallel, the role of the UNGA must be strengthened.

We are asking that the permanent members engage in a credible dialogue which will lead to a unified approach to combat these threats ahead of the next sessions.

While we seek solidarity and financing to alleviate poverty and climate challenges, global military expenditures have risen today to record levels reaching $2.24 trillion. This reflects the strategic trust deficit among the powerful, key arms control frameworks which were instrumental in maintaining system stability in the past have collapsed and nuclear conflict is once again under open discussion, potentially and apocalyptically triggered by autonomous control. We urge restraint in the increase of military expenditure which leads to escalation of conflict.

Developing countries have been the voice of sanity and reason in this regard for decades. In keeping with Sri Lanka’s longstanding position supportive of disarmament of WMD and nuclear weapons, this year Sri Lanka ratified the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. Yesterday, we acceded to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.

The war in Ukraine has far-reaching and severe financial and humanitarian repercussions on food, hunger and debt in all parts of the world including Sri Lanka. It is recalled that the UN Charter vests on powerful states in the Security Council the responsibility to maintain international peace and security and to deescalate rather than ignite conflict.

We need to halt the momentum where this and other big power tensions are spilling over into established areas of international rules-based cooperation forged over decades of multilateral negotiation, ranging from international trade to ocean governance.

This international system is today undergoing vast changes. At the same time, it is being confronted with unprecedented challenges. We come to the United Nations to demonstrate solidarity in arriving at common solutions. What is at stake is not the future of the United Nations, but of our planet as a whole. Member States will need to find new ways of working together despite the increasing mistrust that has permeated international relations.

We who have not been able to find a solution to the Palestinian question must now be able at least to find a solution to the questions which threaten the existence of the present global community.

This can be achieved through the willingness of the permanent members to work together in solidarity with the developing world. They must show the way”

President Wickremesinghe also extended his sincere condolences to the victims and families of the natural disasters that hit Morocco and Libya in recent days and pledged solidarity with Moroccan and Libyan friends during this difficult time.

(PMD)

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Monday, September 18, 2023

Draft Havana Declaration 2023

 



Draft Havana Declaration on “Current development challengues: The role of science, technology and innovation”

SEP 16 2023 (Embassy of Cuba in Nigeria)


Published in Sep 16, 2023 

1.    We, the Heads of State and Government of the member countries of the Group of 77 and China, meeting in Havana, Cuba, on September 15 and 16, 2023, for the Group's Summit on Current Development Challenges: The Role of Science, Technology and Innovation, convinced of the urgent need to act together, reaffirm our full adherence to the spirit, principles and objectives of the Group of 77 and China.

2.    We also reaffirm the commitment to strengthen the unity and solidarity of the Group in order to achieve its objectives and to reinforce its role in the current international context. We reaffirm full respect for the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law.

3.    We deeply mourn the loss of life and materials caused by the recent natural disasters in Libya and Morocco. We convey our heartfelt condolences to the respective peoples and governments, and to the loved ones of the victims in both nations.

4.    We note with deep concern that the major challenges generated by the current unfair international economic order for developing countries have reached their most acute expression in current times due, inter alia, to the persistent negative effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, even though the Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) for COVID-19 has been lifted by the WHO, geopolitical tensions, unilateral coercive measures, and the current multiple crises, including the economic and financial crises, fragile global economic outlook, increased pressure on food, energy, displacement of people, markets volatility, inflation, monetary tightening, the growing burden of external debt, the increase in extreme poverty, the rising inequalities within and among countries, and the adverse effects of climate change, biodiversity loss, desertification, sand and dust storms and environmental degradation, as well as the digital divides, with no clear roadmap so far to address these global problems.

5.    We also express deep concern at the illness, death, and continued socio-economic disruption and devastation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic which has further exacerbated the stark inequities within and among countries and regions, with a disproportionate impact on developing countries. This has brought urgency to strengthen global solidarity and international cooperation in and support for developing countries to prevent, prepare for, and respond to pandemics and other health emergencies, taking into account lessons learned from the COVID-19 pandemic.

6.    We stress the urgent need for a comprehensive reform of the international financial architecture and a more inclusive and coordinated approach to global financial governance, with greater emphasis on cooperation among countries, including through increasing the representation of developing countries in global decision and policy-making bodies which will contribute to enhance the capacities of developing countries to access and develop science, technology and innovation.

7.     We reiterate the firm belief that all states and stakeholders should devote themselves collectively to the pursuit of global development and “win-win" cooperation for scientific and technological development on the basis of extensive consultations, joint contributions and shared benefits, which can bring huge gains to all countries and all parts of the world in building a community of shared future for humankind.

8.    We reject the imposition of laws and regulations with extraterritorial impact and all other forms of coercive economic measures, including unilateral sanctions against developing countries, and reiterate the urgent need to eliminate them immediately. We emphasize that such actions not only undermine the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and international law, but also severely impede the advancement of science, technology and innovation and the full achievement of economic and social development, particularly in developing countries. 

9.    Furthermore, we emphasize that unilateral coercive measures have negative and devastating impacts on the realization of human rights including the right to development and the right to food. Those measures also hinder the access of the affected countries to health-care, humanitarian assistance and equipment, and nationally owned assets.

10. We reject technological monopolies and other unfair practices that hinder the technological development of developing countries. States which have monopoly and dominance in the Information and Communication Technologies environment, including Internet, should not use Information and Communication Technologies advances as tools for containment and suppression of the legitimate economic and technological development of other States. We call upon the international community to foster an open, fair, inclusive and non-discriminatory environment for scientific and technological development.

11. We note with concern that at the half-way point of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the world, particularly the developing countries, are still far off track to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. We further note that science, technology and innovation have been identified as levers for transformation to accelerate progress in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, and that its strategic deployment has the potential to resolve and minimize trade-offs among the Goals and targets, and recognizes that technology transfer to developing countries will be critical to scale up and accelerate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda.

12. We stress the important role of science, technology and innovation as pillars, enablers and catalysts to support sustained, inclusive and sustainable growth, accelerating the full implementation of the 2030 Agenda and the Addis Ababa Action Agenda and, in this context, reaffirm the need for political decision-making at all levels to create an enabling international environment for science, technology and innovation development and to take into account, in the first instance, available scientific knowledge and innovation, as well as the use and promotion of traditional, local, afro-descendant and indigenous knowledge and capacities.

13. We reaffirm the 2005 Tunis Agenda for the Information Society in which the special and specific funding needs of the developing world were recognized and encourage close alignment between the World Summit on the Information Society process and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, highlighting the cross-cutting contributions of information and communications technology to the Sustainable Development Goals, in particular the eradication of poverty in all its forms and dimensions, and noting that access to information and communications technologies has also become a development indicator and aspiration in and of itself.

14. We also call for a close correspondence of the World Summit on the Information Society process with the Addis Ababa Action Agenda and other outcomes of relevant intergovernmental processes, including the Global Digital Compact and the Summit of the Future. We agree to work towards a strong and concerted position of the G-77 and China to ensure that the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS+20) General Review process, the Global Digital Compact and the Summit of the Future contribute to, inter alia, the achievement of sustainable development and closing the digital divide between developed and developing countries.

15. We reiterate that the Tunis Agenda and the Geneva Declaration of Principles and plan of action shall lay down the guiding principles for digital cooperation.

16. We recognize the opportunity offered by science, technology and innovation for the full enjoyment of human rights by all, including the right to development. We call for the advancement of  digital inclusion, as well as  the achievement of gender equality and the empowerment of all women and girls, and to strengthen their full, equal and meaningful access and participation in these fields, including through the participation of women in scientific and technological processes, as a means to closing the gender digital divide, addressing the risks and challenges emerging from the use of technologies and ensuring that the benefits of these technologies are available to all, including women and girls.

17. We agree on the need to invest more in science, technology and innovation and to implement initiatives at all levels for the development of human resources in these fields. We stress the importance to develop strategies aimed at confronting the brain drain of specialized human resources trained in the countries of the South. We agree to continue to promote young people’s interest in scientific studies, including the educational sphere.

18. We reaffirm our commitment to open and equitable scientific collaboration, and recognize the important contributions that open science makes in the development of solutions to address global challenges. In that regard, we encourage actions to foster the uptake of scientific evidence into policymaking processes.

19. We recognize the important contributions which the knowledge produced by research and innovation activities can have in designing better public policies, as well as the need to strengthen collaboration and exchanges between policymakers and scientific and technological communities to that end.  

20. We encourage the promotion of science and innovation-based governance at national and local levels and the inclusion of this perspective in national development strategies, as integral and cross-cutting elements, as appropriate. We also call for the strengthening of science and innovation ecosystems connecting national and local governments, the public and private sectors, academia, research centers and civil society, taking into account national legislation and contexts.

21. We express our willingness to support the expansion of open-science models, at all levels, to ensure citizens’ access to research results and scientific information, in order to make science and knowledge accessible to everyone.

22. We advocate for the development and use of science, technology and innovation ethically and responsibly, and the strengthening and expansion of research and development infrastructures.

23. We recognize that intellectual property rights should contribute to the promotion of technological innovation in a way that favors social and economic welfare taking into account national laws, and call for applying the flexibilities enshrined in relevant international legal obligations in the field of intellectual property rights, where applicable. 

24. We acknowledge the contribution of science to the creation of innovative technologies and solutions to move towards more sustainable production and consumption patterns. In that context, we call for the provision of the necessary means of implementation to developing countries to strengthen their scientific and technological capacities. We further note the need to raise awareness for sustainable development and lifestyles in accordance with the commitments contained in the 2030 Agenda. In this regard, we will endeavor to further promote close linkages and partnerships between policy makers, academia, research centers and the private sector, as appropriate.

25. We further acknowledge the contribution of science, technology and innovation to industrial development in developing countries and as a critical source of economic growth, economic diversification and value addition. 

26. We call for the promotion of new research, the development and transfer of the necessary technologies, and access to the existing ones, including in the areas of food and nutrition, health, water and sanitation, and energy, in order to contribute to the eradication of poverty in all its forms and dimensions, and the achievement of sustained, inclusive and equitable economic growth, human wellbeing and sustainable development.

27. We note the central role of Governments, with the active contribution from stakeholders from the private sector, civil society, academia and research institutions, in creating and supporting an enabling environment at all levels, including enabling regulatory and governance frameworks, in accordance with national priorities, to nurture science, innovation, entrepreneurship and the dissemination of knowledge and technologies, particularly to micro, small and medium-sized enterprises, as well as industrial diversification and value added to commodities.

28. We emphasize the importance of research, and technology development and transfer in the field of human health, taking into account the increase in emerging and re-emerging communicable and non-communicable diseases, including their risk factors.

29. We call upon the international community and relevant bodies of the United Nations system to take urgent action to promote unhindered, timely and equitable access for developing countries to health-related measures, products and technologies necessary to deal with the current and future pandemic prevention preparedness and responses. These include through financing, health systems strengthening, building capacity, ensuring sustainability of supply chains, technology transfer and know-how for local and regional manufacturing and production of medical countermeasures, including medicines, vaccines, therapeutics, diagnostics, health technologies and other health products in developing countries. 

30. We recognize the role of science, technology and innovation in identifying and addressing the challenges posed by climate change, the effects of which disproportionately impact developing countries. We acknowledge that all technological barriers, inter alia, as reported by the IPCC, limit adaptation to climate change and the implementation of the National Determined Contributions (NDCs) of developing countries. We reiterate, in this regard, the need for an effective response to the urgent threat of climate change especially through scaling up the provision of financing, technology transfer and capacity building based on the needs and priorities of developing countries, in accordance with the principles and the objective of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and its Paris Agreement, including equity and common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities, as well as on the basis of the best available science.

31. We recognize that information and communication technologies are a key catalyst and enablers for sustainable development. We reaffirm the vision of building an inclusive, people-centered and development-oriented information society. We call upon the international community and relevant bodies of the United Nations system to take urgent action aimed at reducing digital divides and inequalities in data generation, infrastructure and accessibility within and among countries and regions, as well as between developed and developing countries, with special attention to the poorest and most vulnerable among them. We urge the creation of the necessary conditions to provide developing countries with affordable and reliable connectivity, aimed, inter alia, at promoting digital access and inclusion, including for people in remote and rural communities, as well as to ensure ethical, reliable, and more equitable development, access and use of artificial intelligence.

32. We note with deep concern the existing disparities between developed and developing countries in terms of conditions, possibilities and capacities to produce new scientific and technological knowledge. We call upon the international community, the United Nations System and the International Financial Institutions to support the efforts of the countries of the South to develop and strengthen their national science, technology and innovation systems. We urge developed countries to urgently mobilize means of implementation such as technology transfer, technical assistance, capacity building and financing through new, additional, and predictable resources in relation to the needs of developing countries, including in this area, in accordance with their national needs, policies and priorities. 

33. We recognize that no restrictions should be imposed on developing countries’ access to Information and Communication Technologies’ materials, equipment and technology in order to maintain sustainable development.

34. We further recognize the importance of assisting developing countries to address the challenges and opportunities related to the use of Internet and the e-commerce to develop their international trade capacities, among other things.

35. We support the advancement and implementation of specific and targeted innovation policies aiming at driving sustainable economic growth and the creation of new job opportunities for the current and future generations.

36. We reiterate the crucial role of Official Development Assistance in supporting the development needs of the countries of the South and insist on the urgent need for developed countries to fulfill their historical commitment in this regard.

37.  We stress the importance of strengthening North-South cooperation, including through the fulfillment of Official Development Assistance commitments to support the development needs of the countries of the South.  At the same time, we agree to continue working on the development of science and technology in developing countries by strengthening South-South cooperation, which is necessary to optimize our potential and complement our resources and expertise, while offering viable pathways to address common challenges among developing countries and to, inter alia, accelerate progress in the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. We encourage discussions on the possibilities of establishing new platforms for South-South cooperation and exchanges on science, technology and innovation.   

38. We further encourage the promotion of triangular cooperation projects and programs to improve developing countries’ access to more and better resources for the implementation of technical and scientific initiatives. We acknowledge that triangular cooperation is aimed at facilitating, supporting and enhancing South-South initiatives, through the provision of, inter-alia, funding, capacity-building, technology transfer as well as other forms of support, at the request of developing countries, in line with the principles of South-South cooperation, and must be led by the countries of the South. 

39. We recognize that an international technology framework including the Global Digital Compact, aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals, should be considered, which should offer preferential access for developing countries to relevant advanced technologies, develop their productive capacities and end discriminatory restrictions, and focus on global research and development on scientific breakthroughs relevant to the Sustainable Development Goals. 

40. We recognize the role of multi-stakeholder partnerships to foster strategic long-term investment in supporting the development of science, technology and innovation in developing countries, including through innovative financing.

41. We reaffirm our decision to resume the work of the Consortium on Science, Technology and Innovation for the South (COSTIS), and urge the members of the Group to evaluate and outline strategies to ensure its effective functioning.

42. We agree that our Ministers or High Authorities on Science, Technology and Innovation meet regularly, as appropriate, to take stock of the role of science, technology and innovation in the development agendas adopted at the United Nations and to strengthen South-South cooperation in this fields.

43. We urge the United Nations Regional Commissions, Agencies, Funds and Programs, in particular UNDP, UNESCO, UNCTAD, UNIDO, ITU and the UN Office for South-South Cooperation, within their respective mandates, to make additional efforts to support developing countries in strengthening institutional frameworks and public policies related to science, technology and innovation. 

44. We agree to request the President of the General Assembly to convene, in the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, a High-Level Event on Science, Technology and Innovation for Development with a special focus on actions to be taken to address the needs of developing countries in these fields. 

45. We reaffirm our commitment to implement the concrete measures contained in this Declaration at the national and international levels.

46. We agree to declare September 16 as the Day of Science, Technology and Innovation in the South. 

47. We express our gratitude to the government of the Republic of Cuba, Chair of the Group of 77 and China, for the organization and development of this Summit. We trust that this meeting will set a guideline for our actions in these times of huge challenges and will allow us to advance toward the realization of our legitimate aspirations for development.

⚫

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ரஷ்ய மக்கள் உக்ரைன் அகதிகளுக்கு உதவிக்கரம்

 


2022 டிசம்பர் மாத நிலவரப்படி, ரஷ்யாவில் உக்ரைன் நாட்டு அகதிகள் 10 இலட்சத்திற்கும் மேல் உள்ளனர். 

ஐநா சபை 

thamilan.lk/articles/17 September 2023 | Saranyaa Sri

உக்ரைன் - ரஷ்யா போர் ஒரு ஆண்டை கடந்தும் தொடர்ந்து நீடித்து வருகிறது.

இதனிடையே, போருக்கு மத்தியிலும் ரஷ்ய அரசுக்கு தெரியாமல், உக்ரைன் அகதிகளுக்கு ரஷ்யாவை சேர்ந்த பலர் மனிதாபிமான உதவிகளை செய்து வருகின்றனர். 

இராணுவ தாக்குதல் காரணமாக ரஷ்யாவிற்கோ அல்லது ரஷ்யாவின் கட்டுப்பாட்டில் உள்ள உக்ரைனின் பிராந்தியங்களுக்கோ, உக்ரைனின் பிற பகுதிகளிலிருந்து மக்கள் அகதிகளாக வருகின்றனர்.

தங்களது வீடு, உடைமைகள் மற்றும் செல்வம் அனைத்தையும் இழந்து அகதிகளாக எதிர்காலம் குறித்த அச்சத்துடன் வந்திறங்கும் உக்ரைனியர்களுக்கு ரஷ்ய மக்கள் உதவி செய்து வருகின்றனர். 

2022 டிசம்பர் மாத நிலவரப்படி, ரஷ்யாவில் உக்ரைன் நாட்டு அகதிகள் 10 இலட்சத்திற்கும் மேல் உள்ளனர் என ஐநா சபை தெரிவித்திருந்தது குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.

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(Only the headline and picture of this report may have been reworked by the ENB staff; the rest of the content is, as mentioned sources) 

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