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Saturday, November 11, 2017

Real Motive Behind Saudi Purge Emerges: $800 Billion in Confiscated Assets

Real Motive Behind Saudi Purge Emerges: $800 Billion in Confiscated Assets

By Zero Hedge
Global Research, November 10, 2017 Zero Hedge 8 November 2017

From the very beginning, there was something off about Sunday’s unprecedented countercoup purge unleashed by Mohammad bin Salman on alleged political enemies, including some of Saudi Arabia’s richest and most powerful royals and government officials: it was just too brazen to be a simple “power consolidation” move; in fact most commentators were shocked by the sheer audacity, with one question outstanding: why take such a huge gamble? After all, there was little chatter of an imminent coup threat against either the senile Saudi King or the crown prince, MbS, and a crackdown of such proportions would only boost animosity against the current ruling royals further.


 Things gradually started to make sense when it emerged that some $33 billion in oligarch net worth was “at risk” among just the 4 wealthiest arrested Saudis, which included the media-friendly prince Alwaleed.

One day later, a Reuters source reported that in a just as dramatic expansion of the original crackdown, bank accounts of over 1,200 individuals had been frozen, a number which was growing by the minute. Commenting on this land cashgrab, we rhetorically asked “So when could the confiscatory process end? As we jokingly suggested yesterday, the ruling Saudi royal family has realized that not only can it crush any potential dissent by arresting dozens of potential coup-plotters, it can also replenish the country’s foreign reserves, which in the past 3 years have declined by over $250 billion, by confiscating some or all of their generous wealth, which is in the tens if not hundreds of billions. If MbS continues going down the list, he just may recoup a substantial enough amount to what it makes a difference on the sovereign account.”

Then an article overnight from the WSJ confirmed that fundamentally, the purge may be nothing more than a forced extortion scheme, as the Saudi government – already suffering from soaring budget deficits, sliding oil revenues and plunging reserves – was “aiming to confiscate cash and other assets worth as much as $800 billion in its broadening crackdown on alleged corruption among the kingdom’s elite.”

As we reported yesterday, the WSJ writes that the country’s central bank, the Saudi Arabian Monetary Authority, said late Tuesday that it has frozen the bank accounts of “persons of interest” and said the move is “in response to the Attorney General’s request pending the legal cases against them.” But what is more notable, is that while we first suggested – jokingly – on Monday that the ulterior Saudi motive would be to simply “nationalize” the net worth of some of Saudi Arabia’s wealthiest individuals, now the WSJ confirms that this is precisely the case, and what’s more notably is that the amount in question is absolutely staggering: nearly 2x Saudi Arabia’s total foreign reserves!

As the WSJ alleges, “the crackdown could also help replenish state coffers. The government has said that assets accumulated through corruption will become state property, and people familiar with the matter say the government estimates the value of assets it can reclaim at up to 3 trillion Saudi riyal, or $800 billion.”























While much of that money remains abroad – and invested in various assets from bonds to stocks to precious metals and real estate – which will complicate efforts to reclaim it, even a portion of that amount would help shore up Saudi Arabia’s finances.


A prolonged period of low oil prices forced the government to borrow money on the international bond market and to draw extensively from the country’s foreign reserves, which dropped from $730 billion at their peak in 2014 to $487.6 billion in August, the latest available government data.

Confirming our speculation was advisory firm Eurasia Group, which in a note said that the crown prince “needs cash to fund the government’s investment plans” adding that “It was becoming increasingly clear that additional revenue is needed to improve the economy’s performance. The government will also strike deals with businessmen and royals to avoid arrest, but only as part of a greater commitment to the local economy.”


Of course, there is a major danger that such a draconian cash grab would result in a violent blowback by everyone who has funds parked in the Kingdom. To assuage fears, Saudi Arabia’s minister of commerce, Majid al Qasabi, on Tuesday sought to reassure the private sector that the corruption investigation wouldn’t interfere with normal business operations. The procedures and investigations undertaken by the anti-corruption agency won’t affect ongoing business or projects, he said. Furthermore, the Saudi central bank said that individual accounts had been frozen, not corporate accounts. “It is business as usual for both banks and corporates,” the central bank said.

However, this is problematic: first, not only is the list of names of detained and “frozen” accounts growing by the day…

The government earlier this week vowed that it would arrest more people as part of the corruption investigation, which began around three years ago. As a precautionary measure, authorities have banned a large number of people from traveling outside the country, among them hundreds of royals and people connected to those arrested, according to people familiar with the matter. The government hasn’t officially named the people who were detained.

… but the mere shock of a move that would be more appropriate for the 1950s USSR has prompted crushed any faith and confidence the international community may have had in Saudi governance and business practices.

The biggest irony would be if from this flagrant attmept to shore up the Kingdom’s deteriorating finances, a domestic and international bank run emerged, with locals and foreign individuals and companies quietly, or not so quietly, pulling their assets and capital from confiscation ground zero, in the process precipitating the very economic collapse that the move was meant to avoid.

Judging by the market reaction, which has sent Riyal forward tumbling on rising bets of either a recession, or devaluation, or both, this unorthodox attempt to inject up to $800 billion in assets into the struggling local economy, could soon backfire spectacularly.

Meanwhile, for those still confused about the current political scene in Saudi Arabia, here is an infographic courtesy of the WSJ which explains “Who Has Been Promoted, Who Has Been Detained in Saudi Arabia”



All images are from Zero Hedge.

The original source of this article is Zero Hedge Copyright © Zero Hedge, Zero Hedge, 2017

Kashmiris have not sacrificed lives for autonomy JKLF


Kashmiris have not sacrificed lives for autonomy: Yasin Malik to Farooq Abdullah
He was reacting to the remarks of National Conference president Farooq Abdullah in which he had said that “independent Kashmir was not a reality” and that Kashmiris should be granted internal autonomy.

Srinagar, Publish Date: Nov 11 2017 6:52PM | Updated Date: Nov 11 2017 6:52PM

Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) chief Yasin Malik on Saturday said that Kashmiris haven’t given sacrifices for “so-called autonomy under which a Prime Minister was thrown into jail for eleven years”.

He was reacting to the remarks of National Conference president Farooq Abdullah in which he had said that “independent Kashmir was not a reality” and that Kashmiris should be granted internal autonomy.

“Farooq Abdullah has always played non-serious and selfish politics. Kashmiris never take his words and personality seriously,” said Malik, in a statement, issued today.

Terming the statement of Abdullah as “absurd and non-serious”, Malik said that to remain in news Farooq Abdullah always issues controversial statements like these. “… but people of Jammu Kashmir are fully aware of his irresponsible character, his non-seriousness and the level to which he can stoop down for his selfish gains and because of these facts no one takes his statements seriously.”


Malik said that Farooq and his father Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah have been doing politics in the name of Kashmir’s freedom for a long time.

“In fact Farooq Abdullah and his late Father has been doing politics in the name of freedom of Kashmir for a long time and it was he who in 1974 from Lal Chowk Srinagar floated the slogan of “Choen Daish Mouen Daish Kashur Daish Kashur Daish” (Your nation my nation is Kashmiri nation Kashmiri nation) and even participated in pro-freedom rallies in Mirpur Azad Kashmir,” said Malik, in the statement.

He claimed that they shunned the “path of freedom and sacrificed the interests of Kashmiris for their lust of power” to serve their own “selfish benefits”.

Rejecting the idea of so-called autonomy for Jammu Kashmir, Malik said that Kashmiris have not sacrificed thousands of lives for a “so-called fragile, absurd and ridiculous autonomy under which a prime minster of time who luckily was Farooq Abdullah sahib’s own father was handcuffed by an ordinary police man and thrown into jail for 11 long years.”

Advising Farooq Abdullah to shun his “political joker-like approach and assume some seriousness”, Malik said that resistance will continue till the achievement of the desired goal.

வட்டமடு காணி மீட்பு போராட்டம் 9 நாளாக தொடர்கிறது


”””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””””” 
திருக்கோவில் பிரதேச செயலகத்திற்கு உட்பட்ட வட்டமடு காணியில் பயிர்ச்செய்கை மேற்கொள்வதற்கு  வனபரிபாலன திணைக்களம்  தடை!
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வட்டமடு காணி மீட்பு போராட்டம் 9 நாளாக தொடர்கிறது

Friday, November 10, 2017

50 வருடகால எமது பூர்வீகக் காணியில் விவசாயம் செய்வதற்கு தடைவிதிக்காதே!

நல்லாட்சி அரசே எமக்கு அநீதி இழைக்காதே!

வட்டமடு விவசாயிகளுக்கு ஏன் இந்த பாரபட்சம்! 

விவசாயக் காணிகளை கபளீகரம் செய்யும் அதிகாரிகளை இடமாற்றம் செய்!

ஏழை விவசாயிகளின் வயிற்றில் அடிக்காதே!

என்கிற முழக்கங்கள்  அடங்கிய பதாதைகளை ஏந்தியவாறு ஆர்ப்பாட்டத்தில் ஈடுபட்ட மக்கள் போராட்டத்தில்
ஈடுபட்டிருந்தனா்.


திருக்கோவில் பிரதேச செயலகத்திற்கு உட்பட்ட வட்டமடு காணியில் பயிர்ச்செய்கை மேற்கொள்வதற்கு விதிக்கப்பட்டுள்ள தடைக்கு எதிர்ப்பு தெரிவித்து  விவசாயிகள் இன்று (10) வெள்ளிக்கிழமை ஜூம்ஆ தொழுகையின் பின்னா் ஆா்ப்பாட்ட பேரணியொன்றை நடத்தினா்.
























திருக்கோவில் பிரதேச செயலகத்திற்குட்பட்ட வட்டமடு  பிரதேசத்தைச் சேர்ந்த நான்கு விவசாய அமைப்புக்களினால் ஏற்பாடு செய்யப்பட்ட இப்போராட்டம் இன்று (10) 09 ஆவது நாளாக மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டு வருகின்றது.

நீண்ட காலமாக விவசாயம் செய்து வந்த தமது காணிகள், வனபரிபாலன திணைக்கள அதிகாரிகளினால் விவசாயம் செய்வதற்கு தடுக்கப்பட்டு வருவதனைக் கண்டித்தே இப்பேராட்டத்தை மேற்கொண்டு வருவதாக விவசாய அமைப்புக்களின் தலைவர் ஏ.எம். ஹனீபா தெரிவித்தார்.

நல்லாட்சியை ஏற்படுத்துவதற்கு பெரும் பங்காற்றிய ஏழை விவசாயிகளான எங்களின் அவலத்தை இந்த அரசாங்கம் கண்டு கொள்ளாமல் இருந்து வருவதனையடுத்து பெரும் மனவேதனையும், கவலையும் அடைந்துள்ளோம்.

காணிக்கான அனுமதிப்பத்திரத்துடன் உரமானியம் பெற்று கடந்தகாலங்களில் விவசாயம் செய்து, நீர் வரி செலுத்தி வந்த எங்களுக்கு தற்போது அதிகாரிகள் தடைவிதிப்பது நல்லாட்சியை கேலிக் கூத்தாக்கியுள்ளது.


காணிப் பிரச்சினையை தீர்த்து தருவோம், விவசாயிகளுக்கு நீர்ப்பாசன வசதியை ஏற்படுத்தி விவசாயத்துறையை அபிவிருத்தி செய்வோம் என்று கூறி வாக்குகளைப் பெற்றுச் சென்ற முஸ்லிம் அரசியல் தலைமைகள் இன்று எமது பிரச்சினைகள் எதனையும் கண்டு கொள்ளாமல் சுகபோகம் அனுபவித்து வருகின்றனர் என்றார்.



50 வருடகால எமது பூர்வீகக் காணியில் விவசாயம் செய்வதற்கு தடைவிதிக்காதே, நல்லாட்சி அரசே எமக்கு அநீதி இளைக்காதே, வட்டமடு விவசாயிகளுக்கு ஏன் இந்த பாரபட்சம், விவசாயக் காணிகளை கபளீகரம் செய்யும் அதிகாரிகளை இடமாற்றம் செய், ஏழை விவசாயிகளின் வயிற்றில் அடிக்காதே போன்ற வாசகங்கள் அடங்கிய பதாதைகளை ஏந்தியவாறு ஆர்ப்பாட்டத்தில் ஈடுபட்ட மக்கள் போராட்டத்தில் ஈடுபட்டிருந்தனா்.

(அம்பாறை சுழற்சி நிருபா் - ரி.கே. ரஹ்மதுல்லா) நன்றி:தினகரன்

Thursday, November 09, 2017

பிரான்சில் விவசாயிகள் தற்கொலை!




EUROPE
Quiet Epidemic of Suicide Claims France’s Farmers
Lire en français
By PAMÉLA ROUGERIE AUG. 20, 2017

Marie Le Guelvout at the farm in the Brittany region of France where her brother Jean-Pierre killed himself in December. Credit Pierre Terdjman for The New York Times

KERLÉGO, France — A dairy farmer, Jean-Pierre Le Guelvout, once kept 66 cows at a thriving estate in southern Brittany. But falling milk prices, accumulating debts, depression and worries about his health in middle age became too much to bear.

Just 46, Mr. Le Guelvout shot himself in the heart in a grove behind his house one cold December day last year. “It was a place that he loved, near the fields that he loved,” explained his sister Marie, who said she was “very close” to him but did not see his suicide coming.

The death of Ms. Le Guelvout’s brother was part of a quiet epidemic of suicide among French farmers with which stoical rural families, the authorities, public health officials and researchers are trying to grapple.

Farmers are particularly at risk, they all say, because of the nature of their work, which can be isolating, financially precarious and physically demanding.

For farmers who do not have children to help with the work and eventually take over, the burden is that much greater. Falling prices for milk and meat have also added to debts and stress in recent years.

Researchers and farming organizations agree that the problem has persisted for years, but while they have stepped up efforts to help farmers, the effectiveness of such measures and the toll from suicides remain difficult to quantify.

The most recent statistics, made public in 2016 by France’s public health institute, show that 985 farmers killed themselves from 2007 to 2011 — a suicide rate 22 percent higher than that of the general population.

Even that number of suicides, which increased over time, may be underestimated, say researchers, who add that they fear the problem is not going away, though they are still analyzing more recent data.

Jean-Pierre Le Guelvout’s property. In some ways, Mr. Le Guelvout was representative of the farmers who are most likely to kill themselves, according to public health statistics. They are often men ages 45 to 54, working in animal husbandry. Credit Pierre Terdjman for The New York Times


“The doctor establishing the death certificate can avoid mentioning suicide,” said Dr. Véronique Maeght-Lenormand, an occupational physician who runs the national suicide prevention plan for the Mutualité Sociale Agricole, a farmers’ association.

The reason? “Some insurance companies won’t allow compensations for spouses after a suicide,” she said. “There’s also the weight of our Judeo-Christian culture.”

Mr. Le Guelvout’s case came to light because he had previously achieved some fame as a participant in a popular television program, “L’Amour Est Dans le Pré” (“Love Is in the Field”), a sort of French version of “The Bachelor” that aimed to help farmers find companionship.

“He was very naïve,” Ms. Le Guelvout said. “He wanted a wife who worked outside the farm, and to become a father.”

But in some ways, he was representative of the farmers who are most likely to kill themselves, according to public health statistics. They are often men ages 45 to 54, working in animal husbandry.

“It is a time when you start having small health issues, when you think about the transfer of your farm,” Dr. Maeght-Lenormand said. “Farmers can start wondering why they’re doing all of this if no one is here to inherit it.”

But that is not the only force that pushes many to despair.

“There’s this financial pressure, this loan pressure,” said Nicolas Deffontaines, a researcher for Cesaer, a center that studies the economy and sociology of rural areas.

The debts, Mr. Deffontaines said, can lead farmers to deepen their investments, both personal and financial, as they immerse themselves in their work and take more loans to pay off previous ones. In doing so, they fuel their isolation and deepen the financial hole they are in, he said.

In recent years, those financial pressures have grown only more onerous. In 2015, the European Union ended quotas for dairy farmers that had been intended to avoid overproduction.

Cyril Belliard, 52, standing, described the toll farming had taken on him to a support group that had gathered at his home recently in western France. Credit Pierre Terdjman for The New York Times

Since then, there has been a glut of some products. Prices for milk have dropped below what farm associations say is needed to run and sustain a farm, let alone to make a profit.

The move to end quotas came on top of the bloc’s imposition of sanctions on Russia in response to its land grab in Ukraine, cutting off a once-robust export market for European dairy farmers in 2014.

Because many milk farms have shut, more cows have been sent for slaughter, in turn leading to lower prices for meat, even as the French lowered their consumption of meat products by 27 percent from 1998 to 2013, by some measures.

Seven years ago, the French government began addressing the rising suicide rate among farmers, and the agriculture minister at the time, Bruno Le Maire, elevated the issue to a national cause.

Since then, multiple steps have been taken in coordination with the Mutualité Sociale Agricole, the farm organization.

In 2014, a hotline called Agri’écoute (Listening to Farmers) was introduced to lend troubled farmers an ear. Multidisciplinary groups were created to help farmers sort out financial, medical, legal or family issues. In 2016, those units followed 1,352 cases across France.

Much of the focus was placed on farmers who were single or widowed, but building trust was not easy, said Dr. Maeght-Lenormand of the farmers’ association.

“For the farmers who pay regular social contributions to us, we’re still seen as the ones claiming money from them,” she said.

But farmers’ organizations, like Solidarité Paysans (Farmers’ Solidarity), have also stepped in.

Since Mr. Le Guelvout’s suicide, his brother André, 52, has taken over the farm. The family recently decided to stop milk production and to sell part of its livestock. Credit Pierre Terdjman for The New York Times


In 2015, Véronique Louazel, who works for the national bureau of the solidarity association, met with 27 struggling farmers for a study on the crisis the profession faces.

Farmers are often reluctant to talk about their difficulties, and it is hard for them to imagine doing anything else. “They have a strong culture of labor and effort, and they’re not used to complaining,” Ms. Louazel said.

But things are slowly changing, as more farmers speak up.

Cyril Belliard, 52, is among them. One recent day, he told his story to a small support group that had gathered in his tiny house in Vendée, a farming region in western France.

Mr. Belliard had been a farmer since 1996, he told them. But recently, he watched his goats dying day after day of a mysterious illness that neither he nor his veterinarian could figure out. Debts were piling up. Legal procedures began.

“I was living in a mobile home to avoid paying rent,” he recalled. “I moved into this small space of 35 square meters, where the whole family, my wife and children, would live, eat and sleep,” he added, referring to an area of about 375 square feet.

The father of three children, Mr. Belliard depended on charities for food and Solidarité Paysans for support. Finally, in March, he decided to sell his farm to a young farmer.

“I held on thanks to sports, which I’ve been practicing since I was 18,” he said, “and thanks to my kids, who were always my priority.”

Now, he is considering a career change. But leaving farm life is not easy and not always an option.

Since Mr. Le Guelvout’s suicide, his brother André, 52, has taken over the farm in Brittany, and his sister Marie worries about how he will handle all of the work that was previously shared. The family recently decided to stop milk production and to sell part of its livestock.

“André has been a farmer his whole life,” Ms. Le Guelvout said. “All that I want right now is for André to live peacefully on his farm, until he retires.”

A version of this article appears in print on August 21, 2017, on Page A4 of the New York edition with the headline: French Farms Endure a Rash Of Suicides. Order Reprints| Today's Paper|Subscribe

FT: Sri Lanka counts high cost of war and peace


Sri Lanka counts high cost of war and peace 

President Sirisena is accused of backsliding on pledge to heal country’s damaged reputation 

In August this year, Jagath Jayasuriya, Sri Lanka’s ambassador to Brazil, left the country abruptly after encountering an unexpected legal challenge: a suit accusing him of war crimes. Mr Jayasuriya was one of the army commanders who in 2009 led a crushing victory against Tamil separatists in Sri Lanka’s north — ending one of Asia’s longest-running conflicts, but at the cost of an estimated 40,000 civilian deaths in the war’s bloody final months. 

In their suit filed in Brasília and Bogotá, Latin American activists accused Mr Jayasuriya, who was also ambassador to five other countries in the region, of involvement in alleged atrocities including shelling of hospitals, torture and summary executions. 

The move prompted a defiant response from the country’s president. “I will not allow anyone in the world to touch Jagath Jayasuriya or any other military chief or any war hero in this country,” Maithripala Sirisena said.  The incident is a sharp reminder of how the conflict still dogs Sri Lanka’s global reputation. 

But equally revealing was the reaction of Mr Sirisena.  Elected in 2015 when he defeated Mahinda Rajapaksa, a charismatic but divisive figure who had led Colombo’s uncompromising final campaign of the war, Mr Sirisena had promised a new era of reconciliation, including accountability for atrocities that had stained Sri Lanka’s international reputation. The result raised hopes that Sri Lanka would conduct the sort of credible process that would enable the country to put its bitter internal conflict firmly in the past. 

Instead, the defence he offered of Mr Jayasuriya is the latest in a series of signs that the new president is backtracking on his commitments and of the unwillingness of his government to prosecute the soldiers who allegedly broke the articles of the
Geneva Convention during the final months of the conflict.


2015 UN report that flagged apparent war crimes by the Sri Lankan military, the government has failed to outline a plan for a judicial investigation of the matter. In March, the UN Human Rights Council accepted Sri Lanka’s argument that it needed an additional two years to set up a probe. But Mr Sirisena’s vow to protect “war heroes” undermines hopes that a promised international process will ever go ahead, while the war-ravaged north remains economically far behind the rest of the country. 

As concern mounts over military violence against Myanmar’s  Rohingya minority, the handling of Sri Lanka’s war legacy will set a powerful precedent for other governments, says Dharsha Jegatheeswaran at the Adayaalam Centre for Policy Research in Jaffna, capital of the Tamil-majority Northern Province. “There’s been absolutely no accountability for what happened in the last phase of the war,” she says. “Sri Lanka has shown how it’s possible to hoodwink the international community, always asking for space and time — and now Myanmar is following their lead.” 

At Mullivaikkal beach, the silence is broken only by lapping waves and the murmured chatter of S Manialakan and his fellow fishermen, preparing to head out to sea. It is a stark contrast with the scene at the beach eight years ago, when it hosted the last stand of a rebel army that had fought the Sri Lankan state for more than two decades, seeking a homeland for the Tamil minority in the island’s north and east.  Herded into the area by what remained of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, thousands of civilians were allegedly killed by intense military shelling in the months leading up to the LTTE’s final surrender in May 2009. “Shells and cluster bombs were falling all around — it’s a miracle that I survived,” says Mr Manialakan, a few yards from a cross that the fishermen say marks the remains of a Christian family killed by a single blast.

Nine months after Mr Sirisena’s 2015 election, Sri Lanka backed a resolution of the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva calling for a judicial process, with local and foreign judges and prosecutors, to assess the claimed human rights abuses towards the end of the war.  

UN investigators had cited evidence of “horrific” violations by LTTE and government forces, including the use of child soldiers by the Tamil rebels, and summary executions and indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas by the Sri Lankan army. But analysts say Mr Sirisena’s reluctance to go ahead with the investigation is a predictable reflection of his vulnerable political position.  With Sri Lanka in a $1.5bn International Monetary Fund loan programme since last year, the government is under pressure to prove its economic competence. Mr Sirisena’s coalition government also faces strong parliamentary opposition, with Mr Rajapaksa still a popular figure among the Sinhalese majority. Many lionise the former president for ending a war that his predecessors had struggled to contain, and which brought suicide bombings to Colombo. 

The issue of military prosecutions is “dynamite for the government”, says Jehan Perera, executive director of the National Peace Council of Sri Lanka. “No Sinhalese wants the military to be punished.” The government’s slow movement on the investigation earned a strong rebuke from Ben Emmerson, the UN’s special rapporteur on human rights, who told reporters in the capital in July that progress had ground “to a virtual halt”, and warned that the matter could be referred to the Security Council. 

Yet despite the continuing criticism from UN officials, Sri Lanka’s bilateral relations with foreign powers appear to be warming. The EU, which had removed the country’s preferential market access in 2010 over human rights concerns, reinstated it in May, while the US this year pledged $700m in aid to Sri Lanka. 

This friendly treatment follows an eastward shift in Colombo’s foreign policy over the past decade. 

China provides the backdrop for some of Sri Lanka’s improved international standing. Ostracised by western powers during the latter part of his rule, Mr Rajapaksa forged closer bonds with Beijing, which has been investing billions of dollars in the country’s infrastructure including an underused port at Hambantota on the island’s southern coast. One western diplomat in Colombo denies suggestions that the recent rapprochement reflects an effort to counterbalance Beijing’s influence. “This government seems to be moving in the right direction,” the diplomat says, citing a broad improvement in transparency and civil liberties under the new administration. “It’s about supporting a government that is trying to do the right things.” But others in Sri Lanka say the easing of foreign pressure reflects a broader disengagement by major powers that had previously been vocal in their criticism of human rights violations. 

 “If this government does nothing about the Geneva resolution, what the hell is going to happen to them internationally?” says Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, founder of Colombo’s Centre for Policy Alternatives. “The Americans are turning away; the Brits are mired in Brexit . . . There are no champions.”  

Clad in his usual white traditional dress, Mr Sirisena last month visited the LTTE’s old administrative capital of Kilinochchi to open an agricultural centre, promising to boost farmers’ livelihoods through debt relief and irrigation schemes. Even before the new government took office, Mr Rajapaksa had overseen a huge infrastructure investment scheme for the region, at a cost of more than $2bn. 

Yet official statistics bear grim testament to the economic devastation during the war, when most of the Northern Province was ruled for years by the LTTE in defiance of an embargo imposed by the national government.  According to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka, the province’s per capita gross domestic product was a third below the national average in 2015. Areas of the Eastern Province that were ruled by the LTTE also rank among the country’s poorest. This partly reflects the dramatic deindustrialisation of the north and east during the war — symbolised by the hulking Kankesanthurai Cement Factory, once the country’s largest, which has been slowly corroding since closing in 1990. 

The government this year unveiled the country’s most generous corporate tax incentives to attract investment to the Northern Province, where per capita manufacturing output was just $72 in 2014, compared with $1,262 in the Western Province where Colombo lies. Recommended China-backed port sparks Sri Lanka sovereignty fears Colombo secures $1.5bn IMF loan to avert crisis.

Sri Lanka leads ranking in FDI diversification But many in the region fear that no policy will be able to make up for its disastrous loss of human capital. The education system, once one of the strongest in Sri Lanka, was disrupted under the LTTE, which turned to forced conscription of teenagers as the war progressed, says Rajan Hoole of Jaffna-based University Teachers for Human Rights. “They stultified our political and intellectual life,” he says. Beyond those killed in the conflict, tens of thousands more — including many of the region’s most educated and prosperous people — emigrated to India or western nations. 

The Tamil diaspora was a crucial source of funding for the separatist movement, helping the LTTE to maintain an army equipped with field artillery, as well as a small air force and crude submarines. But since the end of the war, the flow of expatriate cash has slowed, says Ahilan Kadirgamar, a researcher in Jaffna. “People send funding for a war, but not for peace,” he says. 

 And the reintegration of the conflict region into the national economy has come with worrying side-effects, notes Indrajit Coomaraswamy, governor of the Central Bank of Sri Lanka. He points to the rise in consumer credit offered by branches of southern banks that have opened in Jaffna and other northern cities. “The biggest short-term problem is now indebtedness. Livelihoods have not been created in a commensurate way, so people have taken on debt but they have no means of servicing it,” he says. 

Harsha de Silva, a deputy minister and close aide to prime minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, rejects the idea that the government lacks commitment to postwar reconciliation. In July, he notes, the government established a new Office of Missing Persons — tasked with finding answers for the families of more than 16,000 people who remain unaccounted for since the end of the war. The state is accused of mass “disappearances” of suspected LTTE personnel. “We are genuinely attempting to converge on something that can be acceptable to all communities in this country,” he says, in his Colombo office overlooking a vast new Chinese container terminal. “As Sri Lankans, we must find a Sri Lankan solution to this problem.” 

The government has been inching towards a long-debated overhaul of the constitution, which could bring greater autonomy for the Northern Province. This prospect has been welcomed by the Tamil community, which accounts for about 11 per cent of Sri Lanka’s 21m population. But it marks yet another tricky task for the government, with Sinhalese hardliners warning the reform could re-energise Tamil separatism. 

In the Northern Province, however, the likes of Kalimuttu Selvaraja show little appetite for a renewed independence struggle. Now 39, he says he became a teenage LTTE fighter in 1996 after the arrest and torture of his father — embarking on a military career that ended three years later with the loss of his right leg in a shell blast. Having spent three years in internment camps after the war’s end, he relies on a $20 monthly disability allowance, and is hoping for further support from the government he once fought.  “All my life, I’ve been suffering from violence,” he says, seated outside his home in the coastal town of Mullaitivu. “Now we just want jobs to do.” 

On a hot afternoon in Jaffna, A Gunapalasingham unfolds a large map of the nearby district of Valikamam North, dominated by a sprawling mass of military-held land that covers more than 3,000 acres. Within that area lies Mr Gunapalasingham’s ancestral home, from which he has been exiled since fleeing an air raid in 1990 and which was later incorporated into the high-security military zone after the war. Now, he is campaigning for the army to scale down its presence in the area, leading what he says is a group of several thousand displaced families. As well as Colombo’s determination to pacify the region, the huge and lingering army presence in the north reflects the bloated scale of a military that surged in manpower during the war, with the government still reluctant to cull its numbers. 

Sri Lanka had 265,200 military personnel in 2015, according to the International Institute for Strategic Studies: more than 10 times the number 30 years earlier. 

Brandishing photographs of Buddhist Sinhalese soldiers assisting Hindu Tamils in a religious festival, Northern Province governor Reginald Cooray argues that the army’s positive work in the region is often overlooked. Soldiers have been dispatched to work on projects such as road-building and mass electrification, says Mr Cooray. 

But Mr Gunapalasingham is more concerned with speeding up the troops’ departure. “They are actually doing their own farming on the people’s land,” he says. “People are buying vegetables for their curry from the army.”

Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2017. All rights reserved. Subscription article social use only.ENB

Sunday, November 05, 2017

TRUMP IN ASIA



OPINION

Xuan Loc Doan is a UK-based researcher. He holds a PhD in International Relations and researches and writes on a number of areas. These include Vietnam’s domestic and foreign policy, ASEAN, EU, UK’s politics and international politics in the Asia-Pacific region.



TRUMP IN ASIA 

Trump’s high-stakes tour could shape future of regional dominance

By XUAN LOC DOAN NOVEMBER 3, 2017 

Of all of the recent trips to Asia by US presidents, and of all of the current president’s overseas tours, Donald Trump’s visit to Asia could be the most crucial, as it could shape the future of US leadership in the region.

It may be an overstatement to say that Trump’s trip is his last chance to revitalize America’s regional leadership, as the five-nation visit is the president’s first to the region. However, it is probably right to argue that should he fail to demonstrate meaningfully his commitment to the United States’ regional alliances and partnerships during this 12-day trip that started on Friday, it would further damage America’s already weakened position in this dynamic, complex and vital region.

As is often said, if a week is a long time in politics, then a year is an eternity. This is just as true in international politics, especially in the Trump era. The global political landscape has changed radically – almost inverted – since his election as president of the United States about a year ago.

Only a year ago the prospect that the US would turn into a fierce critic of the global liberal economic and political order it had shaped and led for seven decades and that China could become its ardent advocate was almost inconceivable.

Such an unreal reversal of roles is now happening, however. And Trump’s largely unexpected victory in last November’s US presidential election was a defining reason behind this shift.

With an “America First” doctrine, a nativist, protectionist and isolationist policy aimed at satisfying populist sentiments at home, the new president has abandoned his country’s postwar role as the leader of the liberal order based on free trade, international agreements, the rule of law and democratic values.

Perceiving that Trump is ceding the United States’ long-held global leadership mantle, over the past year, China’s Xi Jinping has made remarkable steps toward filling that void.

In January, just three days before Trump’s swearing-in as America’s 45th president, Xi made a headline-grabbing address – the first by a Chinese leader – at the World Economic Forum. In that keynote speech at the WEF in Davos, Switzerland, regarded as the spiritual home of capitalism, the Chinese president denounced isolationism and protectionism and presented his highly controlled nation as a robust defender of free trade and an open economy.

Speaking at the United Nations Office at Geneva a day later, he went even further, urging the world to “uphold the authority of the international rule of law” and, again, positioned the People’s Republic of China as a responsible and law-biding player in that order.

At the recent Congress of the Communist Party of China, which elevated him to the almost sacred status of Mao Zedong, the PRC’s founder, Xi hailed China as a “mighty force” in the world and a role model for political and economic development. He even asserted that his country’s political system “is a great creation” that offers “a new choice for other countries.”

Little more than a year ago, hardly anybody could have imagined that the authoritarian leader of a communist nation would make such bold statements at such important international and domestic forums. Some might have even laughed at such a prospect.

But all of this is no longer laughable. Undoubtedly, Trump’s numerous missteps and mishaps, both at home and abroad, have emboldened the Chinese leadership’s confidence.

Since taking office, Trump has pulled the US out of key international agreements, such as the Paris climate accord and the Iran nuclear deal. His posture has greatly alarmed many countries, including Washington’s closest allies, and tremendously damaged America’s global leadership.

Undoubtedly, Trump’s numerous missteps and mishaps, both at home and abroad, have emboldened the Chinese leadership’s confidence In contrast, Xi Jinping has proactively and assertively portrayed himself as a great international statesman and his country as a reliable, even indispensable, global leader by publicly stating that the rising superpower is committed to honoring those international treaties.

Perhaps nowhere in the world is America’s recession and China’s assertion felt more strongly than in Asia.

The Trump White House’s inward-turning stance is exemplified by his decision to abandon the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). His withdrawal from this huge US-led trade deal, which would also have had other far-reaching geopolitical implications, is seen by many as an abandonment of America’s traditional regional leadership role not only in trade but in other vital areas, such as security.

In addition, Trump has threatened to terminate his country’s free-trade agreement with South Korea, a key strategic ally.

All of this has puzzled and rattled America’s important Asian partners and allies.

In contrast, with the TPP collapsing, the PRC, which was excluded from the 12-member accord, has pushed to conclude the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), a rival trade pact of 16 East and Southeast Asian countries.

In May, Beijing inaugurated its Belt and Road Initiative, a global trillion-dollar infrastructure and trade plan. Though the grandiose project won’t generate huge win-win opportunities for all participating countries as Beijing preaches, almost all nations in the region have now signed up to join it.

Yet while worried by Trump’s “America First” foreign policy, many Asian countries are still hoping he could rethink his posture and continue US engagement with the region, especially in the areas of trade and security.

With perhaps a few exceptions such as Cambodia that have already fallen deeply into China’s orbit, almost all regional states still count on the world’s biggest economy and military to maintain regional prosperity and security.

Leaders from Japan, Australia, India, South Korea, Vietnam, Malaysia, Thailand and Singapore have already traveled to the Trump White House, with some of them making trade concessions, mainly because they wanted such a commitment of US engagement from Trump.

A recent Pew Research Center survey found that the US is still seen more positively than China in India, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines and Vietnam.

However, compared with previous years, America’s image in the world,  including many Asian countries, this year has significantly weakened while China’s favorability has considerably strengthened. In Australia, a key strategic US ally, and Indonesia, the United States now is less favored than China.

Again, Trump’s election and his subsequent policies have hugely contributed to this weakening of America’s global and regional image. If this trend continues, it is very likely that China will hold a competitive advantage in favorability over the US in the years to come.

Against this background, Trump’s trip to Japan, South Korea, China, Vietnam and the Philippines is a very high-stakes one. It could make or break America’s regional leadership.

If he clearly demonstrates that the US remains deeply committed to the region, by offering concrete and positive measures to strengthen economic and security ties with Asian countries, bilaterally or multilaterally, that will greatly help restore trust in American leadership.

In contrast, if he fails to do that – or, worse, continues to harden America’s already damaged position in the region – many countries, notably small, but geo-strategically important, nations such as Vietnam and Singapore, may move away from Washington and toward Beijing.

At the moment, for both economic and security reasons, they still seek to maintain balanced ties with the world’s two superpowers. Still, any combative move by Trump will tip the balance in China’s favor, especially if Beijing pursues a benign posture toward its neighbors as it has done of late.

Before the recent Party Congress, the Chinese leadership sought to repair strained ties with Vietnam and Singapore. Just days before Trump begins his Asian trip, Beijing unexpectedly decided to mend relations with South Korea after a year-long standoff over Seoul’s decision to install Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD), a US-operated anti-missile shield, on its soil.

If this is not tactical behavior but a genuine shift in Beijing’s policy, Trump must work hard during his current trip to convince America’s Asian partners and allies that the US under his leadership remains a sine qua non of the region’s peace and prosperity.
===============================
Source: Asia Times 
Xuan Loc Doan is a UK-based researcher. He holds a PhD in International Relations and researches and writes on a number of areas. These include Vietnam’s domestic and foreign policy, ASEAN, EU, UK’s politics and international politics in the Asia-Pacific region.

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Saturday, November 04, 2017

2,080 mass graves in Indian-administered Kashmir LOC



India ordered to probe 2,080 mass graves in Kashmir
by Rifat Fareed

3 Nov 2017

APDP maintains that 8,000 people have disappeared in the decades-old conflict [Shuuaib Masoodi/Al Jazeera]

Srinagar, Indian-administered Kashmir - The state-run human rights commission has told the government in Kashmir to investigate at least 2,080 unmarked mass graves discovered in border areas of the restive region.

The Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons (APDP), a human rights group in Kashmir, told the commission there were 3,844 unmarked graves - 2,717 in Poonch and 1,127 in Rajouri, twin districts in the region that lie along Line of Control (LoC) that divides the disputed territory between India and Pakistan.

In response, the commission acknowledged the presence of 2,080 unmarked graves and asked the government for a comprehensive investigation to be completed in six months, including DNA tests of the bodies to compare it with family members of the disappeared.

In 2011, the commission directed the government to investigate the mass graves. At the time, a special team from the commission said 2,730 unidentified bodies were buried in 38 sites across northern Kashmir.

"The commission has no hesitation to issue the same directions, which were already issued in the case," the recent order said.

The association welcomed the commission's latest demand to investigate mass graves in India's Jammu and Kashmir state.

"It is an acknowledgement from the institution that is run by the government. It provides further legal remedies for the family members of missing," Khurram Parvez from APDP told Al Jazeera.

"We have been demanding that there be an independent commission to do a credible probe on the mass graves."

Parvez said the probe might give an "answer" to families of disappeared who do not know whether their relatives are dead or alive.

"We have done a study of 53 cases for a report where the bodies were exhumed from unknown graves. It was found that 49 bodies in the graves were of civilians and one was a local militant, three bodies were unknown. These people were dubbed as foreign militants by the government," Parvez said.

Since 2011, instead of complying with directions from the human rights commission, the government continues to avoid such an investigation on the pretext it would lead to a "law and order problem" in Kashmir, APDP said in a statement.

The European Parliament adopted a resolution in July 2008 and called on India's government ensure independent and impartial investigations into all mass graves, APDP said.

Officials contacted by Al Jazeera declined to comment on Friday.

The state government has said most of the missing were likely Kashmiri youths who crossed into Pakistan for weapons training. Those comments have been dismissed by family members of the disappeared.

'Emotional closure'

Tahira Begum, 39, from Baramulla whose husband disappeared in 2002, said if the government investigates the graves it would provide "emotional closure" to family members.

"We want to know whether our family members are buried in these graves. At least, we will get an address to mourn," she told Al Jazeera.

Tahira said she had to leave her three sons in an orphanage after her husband disappeared.

"My kids would run from school and ask me where their father is. For years, I told them he has gone for work outside. But as time passed, I couldn't lie to them any more."

Her husband disappeared after leaving home for work and never returned. "I went everywhere to look for him but failed. I just want an answer - what happened to him," she said.

Nuclear-armed rivals India and Pakistan each administer part of Kashmir, but both claim the Himalayan territory in its entirety.

Rebel groups have been fighting since 1989 for the Indian-administered portion to become independent or merge with Pakistan.

Nearly 70,000 people have been killed in the uprising and the ensuing Indian military crackdown. India maintains about 500,000 soldiers in the territory.

Anti-India sentiment runs deep among Kashmir's mostly Muslim population and most support rebels against Indian rule despite a decades-long military crackdown to fight the armed rebellion.

India has accused Pakistan of arming and training the rebels, allegations that Pakistan denies.

Rebel groups have largely been suppressed by Indian security forces in recent years, and public opposition to Indian rule is now principally expressed through street protests.

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA NEWS

Friday, November 03, 2017

Spain issues arrest warrant for Carles Puigdemont

NEWS/SPAIN
Spain issues arrest warrant for Carles Puigdemont
by Creede Newton

Carles Puigdemont left Spain after Madrid fired him and his government last Saturday [Jordi Bedmar/Generalitat de Catalunya/AFP] 
Barcelona, Spain - A Spanish judge has issued an international arrest warrant for dismissed Catalan leader Carles Puigdemont.

Puigdemont has been in Belgium since Spanish authorities fired him and his cabinet on Saturday after the regional parliament declared independence.

Judge Carmen Lamela issued the order on the grounds that it was public knowledge that Puigdemont is in Belgium.

The warrant added two charges: prevarication (lying) and disobedience.

It also names the four other ex ministers who accompany Puigdemont in Brussels.

Puigdemont told Belgian state TV, RTBF, earlier on Friday that he "did not flee" Spain, but he travelled to Brussels to avoid violence.

"Violence has never been an option for us," he said. 

He added that "it is impossible to prepare [a defence]" while in Spain.

Puigdemont will now face possible extradition from Belgium.

The Belgian attorney general told Spanish news agency, Efe, earlier this week that if his office receives a warrant for Puigdemont, the "law will be applied".

"If we receive [the warrant], we won't be able to make more comments or conjectures," he said.

Speaking to Dutch media outlet, Puigdemont's lawyer Paul Bekaret said that warrant "will take a while, because [it] has to be translated, and then processed by the federal police".

Nine ministers jailed

The warrant comes after nine Catalan government officials, including dismissed Vice President Oriol Junqueras, were jailed without bail in Madrid on Thursday on charges of sedition, rebellion, and misuse of funds.

Barcelona's city council issued a declaration calling for the immediate release of these politicians along with Jordi Cuixart and Jordi Sanchez, two pro-independence organisers jailed since October 16.

The declaration was signed by parties from across the political spectrum. Ada Colau, the left-wing mayor of Barcelona, said the declaration was a "great consensus in the defence of freedoms and fundamental rights".

The only parties that declined to sign the declaration were the centre-left Spanish Socialist Party, the centre-right People's Party, and the populist right Citizens party.

The accused former officials are required to deposit 6.7 million euros ($7.2m) to cover expected court costs. In the event they are unable to pay the amount, their property will be seized.

Santi Vila, the former Catalan Business Minister, was the only person granted bail. Vila paid the 50,000 euro ($58,300) fee and is expected to be released pending trial later Friday.

The Catalan government was sacked last Saturday after it declared independence the previous day.

The Spanish government took direct control of the breakaway region after applying Article 155 of the constitution the same day.

The political crisis over Catalonia's independence began on October 1 when a disputed referendum met a harsh police crackdown by Spanish police.

The Catalan government claims 90 percent of voters chose independence, but turnout was less than 50 percent.

Spain claims the vote was illegal, contravening the Spanish constitution.

Hundreds of people are protesting Spain's actions against the Catalan separatists throughout Barcelona.

A group of demonstrators on Passeig de Gracia, one of the largest streets in Barcelona, held signs and posters on Friday calling for the release of "political prisoners".

The Committee for the Defence of the Republic - a grassroots network of pro-independence protesters that has risen to prominence since October 1 - has called for widespread demonstrations to continue throughout the weekend to "rebuke" the imprisonment of their government.

Balfour Film

"சயனைட்" நாவல் - ஒரு பார்வை

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