Tuesday, September 12, 2017
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Bengaluru On Streets With 'I Am Gauri' Posters
Week After Gauri Lankesh Murder, Bengaluru On Streets With 'I Am Gauri' Posters
On Tuesday, thousands gathered in Bengaluru for a protest rally in Gauri Lankesh's name.
Bengaluru: It has been one week since journalist Gauri Lankesh was shot dead outside her home in Bengaluru. A Special Investigation Team has been set up specifically for this case, but with no real breakthrough so far. There are fears it is going the way of the probe into the murder of MM Kalburgi, a rationalist shot outside his house in north Karnataka two years ago. But the impact of her death is still being strongly felt.
On Tuesday, thousands gathered in Bengaluru for a protest rally in her name. Writers, students, activists, concerned citizens marched from the city railway station to the Central College grounds. They were joined by activists from around the country, including Medha Patkar of the Narmada Bachao Andolan.
"Killing of individuals and mob lynching, both have really told us that whoever speaks out with strength, commitment and courage can't be spared by them because they feel scared by us," Ms Patkar told media persons at the Central College grounds.
Writers, students and left wing supporters at rally against murder of journalist Gauri Lankesh in Bengaluru.
Protesters wore headbands saying 'I am Gauri' and carried posters and banners with the same message. "Why should there be hate? We are one people - whatever we think and whatever we say, violence is not the answer. Never," said writer Poile Sengupta, who has written a poem for Gauri.
"When I heard the news I was numb I didn't know how to react, didn't know how to say anything. This can happen to anybody else. So it is very important that we have to respond and express our feelings," artist Balan Nambiar told NDTV.
There have been no arrests in the case so far, as the Special Investigative Team focuses on grainy CCTV footage and examines possible links to the killing of Prof MM Kalburgi in a similar manner just over two years ago. Even that earlier case remains unsolved.
"I think it is the fact that there is a shrinking space for dissension right now in the country ...We are protesting that we should have the right to speak out against something and not just blindly accept things. I think that is exactly what we're here for today," a young student protester said.
At the protests was another writer, KS Bhagwan who knows what it is like to be threatened. He has been provided protection by the state. "Of course security is given by Karnataka government on its own for which we are very thankful to them. It started the very next day of the assassination of Dr Kalburgi. In fact I was taken aback when I saw police near my door...," he told NDTV. In addition to Mr Bhagwan, other people considered to be possible targets of violence have now been provided security since the murder of Gauri.
Written by Maya Sharma | Updated: September 13, 2017 by TaboolaSenior journalist Gauri Lankesh was shot dead outside her house in Bengaluru last week.
On Tuesday, thousands gathered in Bengaluru for a protest rally in Gauri Lankesh's name.
Bengaluru: It has been one week since journalist Gauri Lankesh was shot dead outside her home in Bengaluru. A Special Investigation Team has been set up specifically for this case, but with no real breakthrough so far. There are fears it is going the way of the probe into the murder of MM Kalburgi, a rationalist shot outside his house in north Karnataka two years ago. But the impact of her death is still being strongly felt.
On Tuesday, thousands gathered in Bengaluru for a protest rally in her name. Writers, students, activists, concerned citizens marched from the city railway station to the Central College grounds. They were joined by activists from around the country, including Medha Patkar of the Narmada Bachao Andolan.
"Killing of individuals and mob lynching, both have really told us that whoever speaks out with strength, commitment and courage can't be spared by them because they feel scared by us," Ms Patkar told media persons at the Central College grounds.
Writers, students and left wing supporters at rally against murder of journalist Gauri Lankesh in Bengaluru.
Protesters wore headbands saying 'I am Gauri' and carried posters and banners with the same message. "Why should there be hate? We are one people - whatever we think and whatever we say, violence is not the answer. Never," said writer Poile Sengupta, who has written a poem for Gauri.
"When I heard the news I was numb I didn't know how to react, didn't know how to say anything. This can happen to anybody else. So it is very important that we have to respond and express our feelings," artist Balan Nambiar told NDTV.
There have been no arrests in the case so far, as the Special Investigative Team focuses on grainy CCTV footage and examines possible links to the killing of Prof MM Kalburgi in a similar manner just over two years ago. Even that earlier case remains unsolved.
"I think it is the fact that there is a shrinking space for dissension right now in the country ...We are protesting that we should have the right to speak out against something and not just blindly accept things. I think that is exactly what we're here for today," a young student protester said.
At the protests was another writer, KS Bhagwan who knows what it is like to be threatened. He has been provided protection by the state. "Of course security is given by Karnataka government on its own for which we are very thankful to them. It started the very next day of the assassination of Dr Kalburgi. In fact I was taken aback when I saw police near my door...," he told NDTV. In addition to Mr Bhagwan, other people considered to be possible targets of violence have now been provided security since the murder of Gauri.
Monday, September 11, 2017
மார்க்சிய அறிவகம்: Mao Tse-tung- ON THE INTERNATIONAL UNITED FRONT AG...
மார்க்சிய அறிவகம்: Mao Tse-tung- ON THE INTERNATIONAL UNITED FRONT AG...: Mao Tse-tung- ON THE INTERNATIONAL UNITED FRONT AGAINST FASCISM Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung June 23, 1941 [This inner-party ...
Sunday, September 10, 2017
Written against RSS, BJP killed Gauri Lankesh - BJP MLA DN Jeevarajah
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| Karnataka BJP MLA DN Jeevaraj |
Gauri Lankesh would be alive if she hadn't written against RSS, BJP.
Karnataka BJP MLA DN Jeevaraj
First Post Sep, 08 2017
 |
Journalists participate in a protest in Mumbai to condemn the killing of Gauri Lankesh. PTI
|
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MLA from Karnataka, DN Jeevaraj on Thursday courted controversy by suggesting that senior journalist Gauri Lankesh was killed for her statements against right wingers, media outlets have reported.
The BJP MLA from Sringeri, while flagging off a BJP Yuva Morcha rally, suggested that Lankesh was killed because she published a story with the headline “Chaddigala Marana Homa (the last rites of the short pants or the RSS)”, The Indian Express reported.
Lankesh was killed at her residence in Bengaluru on Tuesday evening. Lankesh, a well-known critic of the right-wing, was shot dead from a close range at her house in Rajarajeshwari Nagar.
In the video accessed byIndia Today, Jeevaraj is heard saying,
"We have seen how RSS workers have lost their lives during Congress rule. Gauri Lankesh had written in her paper about 'chaddigala marana homa' or the slaughter of the RSS. Now, had she refrained from writing such articles she would have been alive today. Gauri is like a sister to me but the way she has written against us (BJP and Sangh), is unacceptable".
Jeevraj also hit out at the langauge Lankesh had used in her article. "If she had not written 'chaddis maarana homa’ in her paper that day, would she still be alive today?" he asked, according to a report in The News Minute.
His statement provoked condemnation from all quarters.
Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, reacting to his comments said, "What do you make out of his statement? Does it indicate who is behind this murder?" The Indian Express reported. A group of Congress workers in Sringeri also filed a police complaint against him.
However, the BJP MLA later said that his words had been misunderstood and “misinterpreted” by the media, reported The Hindu. The report quotes Jeevraj as saying, "I said if Gauri Lankesh had criticised the killings and if Siddaramaiah had put all those involved in the crime behind bars, nobody would have dared to kill her today. I just wanted to express that the failure of the government with regard to previous murders. Besides that, I have expressed condolences for her murder."
The Karnataka Police has formed a 21-member Special Investigating Team to probe the murder. Karnataka government has said that it is hopeful of nabbing the assailants "as soon as possible".
Saturday, September 09, 2017
Who is afraid of Gauri Lankesh?
Who is afraid of Gauri Lankesh?
In December 2016, journalist and activist Gauri Lankesh fished out an old speech, one she had made in 2012 after the Bajrang Dal attacked a group of girls and boys celebrating a birthday at a rented home in coastal Mangalore. Posting her speech – from a time when social media was not the beast it is today – she said this on Twitter: “I am facing a case because of this speech. I stand by every word I said.”
If she had not been killed on September 5 by an unidentified gunman when she returned home from the office of Gauri Lankesh Patrike, the weekly tabloid she edited, Gauri would have appeared in court on September 15 to provide a written statement about her speech. Deepak Ravindra, a right-wing activist, had filed a police case against her for allegedly outraging the sentiments of Hindus.
In the speech — one of the most polemic one made by the journalist-activist — Gauri questioned the basis of Hinduism by calling it merely an arrangement of social structure and saying, “They (the Sangh Parivar) claim to be protecting this dharma but we do not want this dharma; the Constitution is our dharma.” Since her death last week, the 2012 speech that Gauri made at an event organised by the Komu Souharda Vedike (Forum for Communal Harmony), which she co-founded in 2002 to counter the rise of right-wing fundamentalism in Karnataka, has been doing the rounds of social media, with many suggesting that what cost Gauri her life were speeches such as these.
***
To unravel Gauri as a journalist and how her activism encroached on her journalism, one would have to look at the shadow the towering figure of her father P Lankesh cast on her. When Lankesh died in 2000, Gauri was an English journalist working outside Bengaluru, having done stints in India Today in Delhi and the Sunday magazine. The death of Lankesh brought her face to face with the question of whether she wanted to continue running the Patrike, which had become a cultural phenomenon in 18 years on the back of his intellectual prowess.
Gauri initially wanted to shut down the paper but some convincing by friends, who told her it would be unique to have a woman editing a tabloid, saw her take the decision to continue publishing the Patrike, which her father founded in 1982. “Until then, she had been a professional journalist working for money and career. When she returned, she realised her father’s brand of journalism was different. He was not doing it as a profession; he was trying to change Karnataka and its politics and culture through his paper. And so she decided to attempt to step into his shoes, though she maintained his shoes were too big for anyone to fill,” says filmmaker K M Chaitanya, who has known Gauri since he was a child.
When Gauri entered Kannada journalism, she did not have any great credentials as an English journalist and was at sea with Kannada. “Her heart would be in the right place but she would write a bad copy,” says senior journalist Sugata Srinivasaraju, who is a “big admirer” of Gauri’s father. “For me, Lankesh was a French modernist. He was a larger than life figure for at least two generations of people. He had a popularity that was more than that of five chief ministers of Karnataka put together,” he says.
It was probably while trying to live up to those expectations that she decided to remould herself, says Srinivasaraju. “Once she decided to keep the Patrike running, she knew she had big boots to fill. So she thought being an activist would help. The BJP was rising at the time. She decided to become aggressive and her idea of being aggressive was to become an activist”.
Gauri Lankesh took over the tabloid after her father’s death in 2000
Besides, these were times very different from her father’s. “She tried to retain the fierceness and frankness of her father’s paper. When Lankesh was writing, the USSR was still intact and it was fashionable to be a Leftist. Not so in Gauri’s time, when you are called a presstitute and sickular for holding liberal views. To be a left-leaning editor at such a time took a very gutsy woman,” says Chaitanya.Friends remember her as someone people naturally turned to in times of trouble. National award-winning filmmaker Girish Kasaravalli recollects a time when his shooting was disrupted by right-wing elements. “She was the first person to call and offer help to counter the protests but the matter was settled,” says Kasaravalli.
Her sister Kavitha Lankesh says, “Many times, people would turn up at her house with some problem or the other. She would go to attend the smallest of issues, say, a couple who could not get married because they were from different religions. And that was how she got deeper into activism.”
As she espoused various causes — from women’s rights to Dalit causes to rehabilitation of Naxalites — and wrote about those in her columns, her catchment of support grew. So did the criticism – and in some cases, anger – that came to be directed at her.
***
“Her transformation into an activist was a change I could not get used to. It became difficult for me to collaborate creatively with her on anything, or write for her,” says actor Prakash Belawadi, who was a friend of Gauri’s from their teenage days. “In all of the tributes that followed her death, very few cited her writings. Why is that? Doesn’t that strike you as odd? She was a polemicist and took one side,” says Belawadi.
In recent editions of her paper, Lankesh had published strident articles about Prabhakar Bhat Kalladka, a hawkish RSS leader from the Mangalore region. She had also raised the demand for a separate religion status for the Lingayat community – a view she espoused while being Lingayat herself.
He later claimed he had been wrongly interpreted.
According to activist Nagari Babaiah, 76, with whom Gauri formed the Forum for Communal Harmony, “The Sangh Parivar was afraid of her because she shared a rapport with the people, which became evident in pro-Dalit events like Chalo Udupi and Chalo Tumkuru that she and other activists organised to protest cases of cow vigilantism.” Senior journalist Manini Chatterjee, who was a friend of Gauri’s during their days together in Delhi, says, “In many ways, the 1990s – the Babri Masjid demolition and the Mandal movement — were the time that politicised our generation, who are now in our 50s. It was perhaps so for Gauri too. The interesting thing was that she not only criticised Hindutva, but also Hinduism’s inequalities of caste. And that was very close to the bone.”
She also took great pride in the activities of JNU student union leader Kanhaiya Kumar and Dalit activist Jignesh Mevani, often expressing maternal concern over their well-being. “She was consumed by her causes,” says a friend.
But even those who believe she took her activism too far or that she lacked the ideological sophistication of her father to take on the right wing, are hard-pressed to find answers as to why Gauri had to be killed. After all, they say, her shrill and street-fighter kind of attitude to activism, which she carried into her journalism, was getting predictable.
“She made a lot of enemies. She was not sophisticated like her father P Lankesh, who could subtly criticise people. She ran into trouble in the courts for writing a series of stories on the seer Raghaveshwara Bharati, who was accused of sexually assaulting a devotee. People had, however, in recent times become familiar with her activism, journalism and anti-right wing stance so it is difficult to see why she was killed like this,” says a friend of Lankesh’s.Soon after her death, among the theories that swirled around was one that said Naxals were behind the attack. While there is little to substantiate any of these theories, Gauri’s efforts towards bringing Naxals into the mainstream is well known. She was a key figure in the Citizen’s Initiative for Peace, a forum that believed that armed struggle by Maoists must end and that the government must intervene on their behalf.
Noor Sridhar alias Noor Zulfiqar is among nine former Naxals who were brought into the mainstream since 2013 by Citizen’s Initiative. “I owe my new political life to Gauri Lankesh,” says Sridhar, who parted ways with the CPI (Maoists) in 2013 on ideological grounds. “When we decided to come out, we could not do it during the BJP rule and we did it under the Congress rule. The Sangh is opposed to the policy of bringing people back into the mainstream and that is why a subtle campaign has begun to suggest that Gauri may have been killed by Naxals,” he says.
He says the Maoists have never criticized Gauri for bringing people into the mainstream. “In the Naxal movement, no action is taken without debate and issuance of a statement. There has been no debate or statements about Gauri,” says Sridhar, whom Gauri employed at the Patrike office after he came overground.Gauri’s rapport with Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah is widely believed to have resulted in the success of the policy to bring former left-wing extremists into the mainstream. So
among those who turned up at her funeral on September 6 were, besides Sridhar, Sirimane Nagaraj, Nandakumar, Devendra and Hemakka – former Naxalites she had helped bring into the mainstream. For many of them, their early jobs on their return from the forests were at Gauri Lankesh Patrike, a newspaper that has been in deep debt since Lankesh died in 2000.
“Though the paper has a debt of over Rs 15 lakh, Gauri had high ideals. She was not willing to seek financial help from any politician because she said that if she started the practice, it would be difficult to stay independent. She never took a paisa from anyone despite the crisis,” says Sridhar, adding that her plan was to keep the tabloid going somehow till the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, after which she could change it into an online format or try something else.
For a special Diwali issue of the Patrike, Gauri had reluctantly decided to seek advertisements in the hope of financing the paper and paying her staff.
“She was in a very precarious position, financially. She said she had been running the paper in recent months with the life insurance payout she had received. We suggested many things like crowd funding and advertisements. In the end, after a lot of convincing, she agreed to seek advertisements for the Diwali issue,” says a former journalist who often advised Gauri.
She had even written a proposal seeking advertisements from the government for the special issue. “Maybe she was destined to never see the day the paper would get paid advertisements,” he says. The day she died, Gauri cooked the afternoon meal — some sambar and rice — at her office for her staff. “It was her way of helping the staff reduce the cost burden in their lives even as she struggled to keep the paper going,” says Sridhar.
***
Despite all the fierceness she portrayed in her activism-journalism, her friends and family remember her as someone with a soft heart. The family had a huge falling out when Gauri’s younger brother, Indrajith, split the family paper and started his own publication. Those close to her say she was antagonised to no end by her brother’s actions, including the sale of a family farm where their father was buried. “Despite being upset with Indrajith, it was Gauri who mobilised funds to get him released on bail when he got into legal trouble over a financial dispute with a film producer,” says a close friend of Gauri’s. One of the reasons Gauri was able to reconcile with her younger brother was her love for her nephews and nieces, say close friends. “To my daughter, she was not an aunt but a second mother. She loved children because she said she could also get away from them when she wanted to,” laughs Gauri’s sister Kavitha. “When we were children, we used to fight a lot. And when we grew up too, we fought when we had differences of opinion. But over the years, we came to
have a beautiful relationship. She was there for me, and I was there for her,” she says.
Journalist Chidanand Rajghatta, who first met Gauri as a teenager and whom he later married before their divorce in 1990, says in an email, “She was avva (mother) to her sister’s daughter. And a fairy godmom to our (Mary and my) children Diya and Dhyan. More recently, she also mentored and took under her wing a lot of young writers and activists. Capacious heart. Boundless affection.” Her friends also talk about her wide variety of interests – “she had become hooked to The House of Cards and would keep her schedule free to watch that,” says Chandan Gowda, the academic and critic who was Gauri’s neighbour for a few years; journalist Manini Chatterjee remembers her as a “walking-talking Wodehouse encyclopaedia”.
And then, there are friends who have borne the brunt of her strident positions, but gone on to realise that there was more to her than her ideology. “In 2014, when I declared my support for Narendra Modi, she called me and screamed at me. ‘It is the wretched Brahmin in you that has risen,’ she said. I was so offended that I childishly unfriended her on Facebook. Eventually, I unblocked her but we stayed away from each other’s timelines. Six months later, we met again at a friend’s place and it was the old gang meeting up.
Everything seemed the same. It was, as if, ideologies did not matter,” says actor Belawadi.
“She would be very belligerent and open her argument in a very aggressive way. But then, she would suddenly shift gears and become very emotional. Any conversation with Gauri would involve a range of emotions. The moment she would call I would say, ‘let us fight first and then talk about other things’. That is the kind of Gauri that I knew,” says the journalist Srinivasaraju.
But even her closest friends and family worry that she may have pushed the limits – in hindsight, somewhat dangerously. “I always tried telling her you cannot be a liberal reactionary. It is an oxymoron. She would shout at everything. I would tell her, shouting and not building an alternative narrative is walking into a trap,” says Srinivasaraju. In turn, Gauri would say there were already others taking nuanced positions and that she had to take the strident ones. “I said you can do it, but use a language that will not rile people. Talk a different language,” says Sugata. Gauri’s sister Kavitha says, “We tried to hold her back. Don’t go overboard, we told her. But we had seen our father, who was such a firebrand, who could make/break governments by what he wrote. He never faced any violence. He had his critics but no one could think of coming up to him and shooting him down. This is how intolerant we have become.”
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Journalist. Activist. Daughter stepping into father’s giant shoes. For Gauri Lankesh, who was killed in Bengaluru on Sep 5, these roles blended seamlessly. Yet, to many, these were lines she dangerously breached. Indian Express speaks to her friends and family to tell her story.
Written by Johnson TA , Amrita Dutta | Updated: September 10, 2017
Gauri questioned the basis of Hinduism by calling it merely an arrangement of social structure and saying, “They (the Sangh Parivar) claim to be protecting this dharma but we do not want this dharma; the Constitution is our dharma.” (Illustration: Subrata Dhar)
In December 2016, journalist and activist Gauri Lankesh fished out an old speech, one she had made in 2012 after the Bajrang Dal attacked a group of girls and boys celebrating a birthday at a rented home in coastal Mangalore. Posting her speech – from a time when social media was not the beast it is today – she said this on Twitter: “I am facing a case because of this speech. I stand by every word I said.”
If she had not been killed on September 5 by an unidentified gunman when she returned home from the office of Gauri Lankesh Patrike, the weekly tabloid she edited, Gauri would have appeared in court on September 15 to provide a written statement about her speech. Deepak Ravindra, a right-wing activist, had filed a police case against her for allegedly outraging the sentiments of Hindus.
In the speech — one of the most polemic one made by the journalist-activist — Gauri questioned the basis of Hinduism by calling it merely an arrangement of social structure and saying, “They (the Sangh Parivar) claim to be protecting this dharma but we do not want this dharma; the Constitution is our dharma.” Since her death last week, the 2012 speech that Gauri made at an event organised by the Komu Souharda Vedike (Forum for Communal Harmony), which she co-founded in 2002 to counter the rise of right-wing fundamentalism in Karnataka, has been doing the rounds of social media, with many suggesting that what cost Gauri her life were speeches such as these.
***
To unravel Gauri as a journalist and how her activism encroached on her journalism, one would have to look at the shadow the towering figure of her father P Lankesh cast on her. When Lankesh died in 2000, Gauri was an English journalist working outside Bengaluru, having done stints in India Today in Delhi and the Sunday magazine. The death of Lankesh brought her face to face with the question of whether she wanted to continue running the Patrike, which had become a cultural phenomenon in 18 years on the back of his intellectual prowess.
Gauri initially wanted to shut down the paper but some convincing by friends, who told her it would be unique to have a woman editing a tabloid, saw her take the decision to continue publishing the Patrike, which her father founded in 1982. “Until then, she had been a professional journalist working for money and career. When she returned, she realised her father’s brand of journalism was different. He was not doing it as a profession; he was trying to change Karnataka and its politics and culture through his paper. And so she decided to attempt to step into his shoes, though she maintained his shoes were too big for anyone to fill,” says filmmaker K M Chaitanya, who has known Gauri since he was a child.
When Gauri entered Kannada journalism, she did not have any great credentials as an English journalist and was at sea with Kannada. “Her heart would be in the right place but she would write a bad copy,” says senior journalist Sugata Srinivasaraju, who is a “big admirer” of Gauri’s father. “For me, Lankesh was a French modernist. He was a larger than life figure for at least two generations of people. He had a popularity that was more than that of five chief ministers of Karnataka put together,” he says.
It was probably while trying to live up to those expectations that she decided to remould herself, says Srinivasaraju. “Once she decided to keep the Patrike running, she knew she had big boots to fill. So she thought being an activist would help. The BJP was rising at the time. She decided to become aggressive and her idea of being aggressive was to become an activist”.
Gauri Lankesh took over the tabloid after her father’s death in 2000
Besides, these were times very different from her father’s. “She tried to retain the fierceness and frankness of her father’s paper. When Lankesh was writing, the USSR was still intact and it was fashionable to be a Leftist. Not so in Gauri’s time, when you are called a presstitute and sickular for holding liberal views. To be a left-leaning editor at such a time took a very gutsy woman,” says Chaitanya.Friends remember her as someone people naturally turned to in times of trouble. National award-winning filmmaker Girish Kasaravalli recollects a time when his shooting was disrupted by right-wing elements. “She was the first person to call and offer help to counter the protests but the matter was settled,” says Kasaravalli.
Her sister Kavitha Lankesh says, “Many times, people would turn up at her house with some problem or the other. She would go to attend the smallest of issues, say, a couple who could not get married because they were from different religions. And that was how she got deeper into activism.”
As she espoused various causes — from women’s rights to Dalit causes to rehabilitation of Naxalites — and wrote about those in her columns, her catchment of support grew. So did the criticism – and in some cases, anger – that came to be directed at her.
***
“Her transformation into an activist was a change I could not get used to. It became difficult for me to collaborate creatively with her on anything, or write for her,” says actor Prakash Belawadi, who was a friend of Gauri’s from their teenage days. “In all of the tributes that followed her death, very few cited her writings. Why is that? Doesn’t that strike you as odd? She was a polemicist and took one side,” says Belawadi.
In recent editions of her paper, Lankesh had published strident articles about Prabhakar Bhat Kalladka, a hawkish RSS leader from the Mangalore region. She had also raised the demand for a separate religion status for the Lingayat community – a view she espoused while being Lingayat herself.
Following Gauri’s death on September 5, BJP MLA D N Jeevaraj said in a speech in Chikamagaluru district that she would have been still alive if she had not published an article against the RSS titled ‘Chaddigala Maranahoma (Last rites of the RSS)’.
He later claimed he had been wrongly interpreted.
According to activist Nagari Babaiah, 76, with whom Gauri formed the Forum for Communal Harmony, “The Sangh Parivar was afraid of her because she shared a rapport with the people, which became evident in pro-Dalit events like Chalo Udupi and Chalo Tumkuru that she and other activists organised to protest cases of cow vigilantism.” Senior journalist Manini Chatterjee, who was a friend of Gauri’s during their days together in Delhi, says, “In many ways, the 1990s – the Babri Masjid demolition and the Mandal movement — were the time that politicised our generation, who are now in our 50s. It was perhaps so for Gauri too. The interesting thing was that she not only criticised Hindutva, but also Hinduism’s inequalities of caste. And that was very close to the bone.”
She also took great pride in the activities of JNU student union leader Kanhaiya Kumar and Dalit activist Jignesh Mevani, often expressing maternal concern over their well-being. “She was consumed by her causes,” says a friend.
But even those who believe she took her activism too far or that she lacked the ideological sophistication of her father to take on the right wing, are hard-pressed to find answers as to why Gauri had to be killed. After all, they say, her shrill and street-fighter kind of attitude to activism, which she carried into her journalism, was getting predictable.
“She made a lot of enemies. She was not sophisticated like her father P Lankesh, who could subtly criticise people. She ran into trouble in the courts for writing a series of stories on the seer Raghaveshwara Bharati, who was accused of sexually assaulting a devotee. People had, however, in recent times become familiar with her activism, journalism and anti-right wing stance so it is difficult to see why she was killed like this,” says a friend of Lankesh’s.Soon after her death, among the theories that swirled around was one that said Naxals were behind the attack. While there is little to substantiate any of these theories, Gauri’s efforts towards bringing Naxals into the mainstream is well known. She was a key figure in the Citizen’s Initiative for Peace, a forum that believed that armed struggle by Maoists must end and that the government must intervene on their behalf.
Noor Sridhar alias Noor Zulfiqar is among nine former Naxals who were brought into the mainstream since 2013 by Citizen’s Initiative. “I owe my new political life to Gauri Lankesh,” says Sridhar, who parted ways with the CPI (Maoists) in 2013 on ideological grounds. “When we decided to come out, we could not do it during the BJP rule and we did it under the Congress rule. The Sangh is opposed to the policy of bringing people back into the mainstream and that is why a subtle campaign has begun to suggest that Gauri may have been killed by Naxals,” he says.
He says the Maoists have never criticized Gauri for bringing people into the mainstream. “In the Naxal movement, no action is taken without debate and issuance of a statement. There has been no debate or statements about Gauri,” says Sridhar, whom Gauri employed at the Patrike office after he came overground.Gauri’s rapport with Karnataka Chief Minister Siddaramaiah is widely believed to have resulted in the success of the policy to bring former left-wing extremists into the mainstream. So
among those who turned up at her funeral on September 6 were, besides Sridhar, Sirimane Nagaraj, Nandakumar, Devendra and Hemakka – former Naxalites she had helped bring into the mainstream. For many of them, their early jobs on their return from the forests were at Gauri Lankesh Patrike, a newspaper that has been in deep debt since Lankesh died in 2000.
“Though the paper has a debt of over Rs 15 lakh, Gauri had high ideals. She was not willing to seek financial help from any politician because she said that if she started the practice, it would be difficult to stay independent. She never took a paisa from anyone despite the crisis,” says Sridhar, adding that her plan was to keep the tabloid going somehow till the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, after which she could change it into an online format or try something else.
For a special Diwali issue of the Patrike, Gauri had reluctantly decided to seek advertisements in the hope of financing the paper and paying her staff.
“She was in a very precarious position, financially. She said she had been running the paper in recent months with the life insurance payout she had received. We suggested many things like crowd funding and advertisements. In the end, after a lot of convincing, she agreed to seek advertisements for the Diwali issue,” says a former journalist who often advised Gauri.
She had even written a proposal seeking advertisements from the government for the special issue. “Maybe she was destined to never see the day the paper would get paid advertisements,” he says. The day she died, Gauri cooked the afternoon meal — some sambar and rice — at her office for her staff. “It was her way of helping the staff reduce the cost burden in their lives even as she struggled to keep the paper going,” says Sridhar.
***
Despite all the fierceness she portrayed in her activism-journalism, her friends and family remember her as someone with a soft heart. The family had a huge falling out when Gauri’s younger brother, Indrajith, split the family paper and started his own publication. Those close to her say she was antagonised to no end by her brother’s actions, including the sale of a family farm where their father was buried. “Despite being upset with Indrajith, it was Gauri who mobilised funds to get him released on bail when he got into legal trouble over a financial dispute with a film producer,” says a close friend of Gauri’s. One of the reasons Gauri was able to reconcile with her younger brother was her love for her nephews and nieces, say close friends. “To my daughter, she was not an aunt but a second mother. She loved children because she said she could also get away from them when she wanted to,” laughs Gauri’s sister Kavitha. “When we were children, we used to fight a lot. And when we grew up too, we fought when we had differences of opinion. But over the years, we came to
have a beautiful relationship. She was there for me, and I was there for her,” she says.
Journalist Chidanand Rajghatta, who first met Gauri as a teenager and whom he later married before their divorce in 1990, says in an email, “She was avva (mother) to her sister’s daughter. And a fairy godmom to our (Mary and my) children Diya and Dhyan. More recently, she also mentored and took under her wing a lot of young writers and activists. Capacious heart. Boundless affection.” Her friends also talk about her wide variety of interests – “she had become hooked to The House of Cards and would keep her schedule free to watch that,” says Chandan Gowda, the academic and critic who was Gauri’s neighbour for a few years; journalist Manini Chatterjee remembers her as a “walking-talking Wodehouse encyclopaedia”.
And then, there are friends who have borne the brunt of her strident positions, but gone on to realise that there was more to her than her ideology. “In 2014, when I declared my support for Narendra Modi, she called me and screamed at me. ‘It is the wretched Brahmin in you that has risen,’ she said. I was so offended that I childishly unfriended her on Facebook. Eventually, I unblocked her but we stayed away from each other’s timelines. Six months later, we met again at a friend’s place and it was the old gang meeting up.
Everything seemed the same. It was, as if, ideologies did not matter,” says actor Belawadi.
“She would be very belligerent and open her argument in a very aggressive way. But then, she would suddenly shift gears and become very emotional. Any conversation with Gauri would involve a range of emotions. The moment she would call I would say, ‘let us fight first and then talk about other things’. That is the kind of Gauri that I knew,” says the journalist Srinivasaraju.
But even her closest friends and family worry that she may have pushed the limits – in hindsight, somewhat dangerously. “I always tried telling her you cannot be a liberal reactionary. It is an oxymoron. She would shout at everything. I would tell her, shouting and not building an alternative narrative is walking into a trap,” says Srinivasaraju. In turn, Gauri would say there were already others taking nuanced positions and that she had to take the strident ones. “I said you can do it, but use a language that will not rile people. Talk a different language,” says Sugata. Gauri’s sister Kavitha says, “We tried to hold her back. Don’t go overboard, we told her. But we had seen our father, who was such a firebrand, who could make/break governments by what he wrote. He never faced any violence. He had his critics but no one could think of coming up to him and shooting him down. This is how intolerant we have become.”
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Friday, September 08, 2017
சமரன்: அனிதா படுகொலை கழக ஆர்ப்பாட்டம் உத்திரமேரூர்-பாபநாச...
சமரன்: அனிதா படுகொலை கழக ஆர்ப்பாட்டம் உத்திரமேரூர்-பாபநாச...: கண்டன ஆர்ப்பாட்டம் உத்திரமேரூர் பேருந்து நிலையம் https://www.facebook.com/suba.rajan.353/videos/672404382962619/ 08/09/2017 மாலை...
Gauri Lankesh murder shows India descending into violence
The murder of journalist Gauri Lankesh shows India descending into violence
Mari Marcel Thekaekara
The Guardian - Thursday 7 September 2017
Hindu extremists go unpunished, leading to a culture in which lynching, mob violence and hate crimes are increasingly, horrifyingly, widespread
Once quiet, civilised Bangalore is shaken to the core by the news of the shocking murder of its most famous journalist, Gauri Lankesh. In big cities and small towns across India thousands of people are protesting at the murder of a gutsy woman who fought for the marginalised, who called Dalit victims her sons, and who protested against injustice and venal politics in the face of death threats.
When you know someone, their death hits you harder. Lankesh was the recipient of endless hate mail from Hindu extremists. She was vilified on two fronts. She dared to take on the powerful Bharatiya Janata party (BJP), currently ruling most of India. She criticised them and their cohorts for attacking minorities and creating a culture that enabled lynching, mob violence and hate crimes. She also defended Dalit rights, provoking the ire of many dominant-caste Indians across the politicalspectrum.
I have been told off for comparing the current political climate to Nazi Germany. “Don’t go over the top, you’ll lose credibility,” critics advise. Yet for 16-year-old Junaid, a hapless Muslim youth recently stabbed more than 30 times on a public train when he had merely gone out to buy festive clothes for Eid, the pattern is chillingly similar to films we’ve watched on the attacks on Jews in Hitler’s Germany.
Junaid and his friends were first pushed, then abused as “dirty Muslims”, then told to vacate their seats, their distinctive skull caps thrown on the ground. They tried to escape but Junaid was held down while his assailant stabbed him multiple times. The other boys, who were merely beaten or stabbed, were the lucky ones. They escaped with their lives.
Harsh Mander, former civil servant and activist writer, has appealed to the majority of peace-loving Hindus of India to stop the violence, to stand with the minorities. Even as Lankesh was being lethally mown down, a peace pilgrimage, or yatra, had been initiated in faraway Assam. Called the caravan of love, Karwan e Mohabbat (Kem), it aims to atone for the violence against minorities, and beg for peace and harmony to replace the politics of hate. Currently Muslims, tribal groups (the Adivasi), Dalits and Christians have been singled out in violent attacks.
A US state department report quoted in The Hindu says: “Authorities frequently did not prosecute members of vigilante ‘cow protection’ groups who attacked alleged smugglers, consumers, or traders of beef, usually Muslims, despite an increase in attacks compared to previous years.”
Kem proposes to travel across India, to meet the families of people victimised, attacked, raped and murdered for being minorities. It began on 4 September when Mander and other activist writers visited two women whose teenage sons had been brutally killed.
The cousins, Riyaz and Abu, had gone fishing on their day off. Someone screamed that they were cattle thieves. Within minutes a mob assembled. The boys were thrashed mercilessly while pleading for their lives. Their mutilated bodies came home with eyes gouged out and ears cut off. Two carefree, laughing boys left home promising their mums a fish feast. Instead the women received the worst news possible for any parent: their children had been murdered.
Kem urges Indians to fight to uphold the values of the Indian constitution, which promises its citizens liberty, justice, equality and fraternity after centuries of oppression. Now we appear to be turning into that which we hated, that which we fought against: oppressors, cruel tyrants, intolerant murderers.
In the last two decades, the voices of Hindu extremists have become more vocal, frighteningly shrill. They’ve become emboldened with the culture of impunity which seems all-pervasive. When minorities are killed, often falsely accused of trading, eating or carrying beef, by cow vigilantes, our most vocal, always tweeting Prime Minister Modi says not a word. The silence is deafening. This has encouraged the fanatics to lynch, attack and kill people.
Shockingly, the fanatics glorify Nathuram Godse, the man who assassinated Gandhi, because he believed Gandhi had caved in to Muslim demands by allowing the creation of Pakistan. The once-banned Godse cult is now thriving. Social media are powerfully used to propagate lies, hate and distorted facts.
Critics of Hindu nationalists’ fanaticism are being murdered to scare all dissenters into silence. Two years before Lankesh’s death, the eminent intellectual MM Kalburgi was also shot dead outside his home. That same year, Govind Pansare another vocal critic of extremist Hindu groups, was murdered. In August 2013, the Dalit campaigner and atheist Narendra Dabholkar killed. All of these martyred Hindus were fighting for the idea of India. They were battling to save Hinduism from bigots and charlatans.
All over India, people are waking up to the reality that their beloved country could be destroyed. Never has the country witnessed the flood of hatred and vitriol currently being openly spewed. The voices of sanity plead: “Stop the descent. We cannot become Kosovo or Rwanda.”
Mander issued a challenge to India, but especially to the Hindu majority. “It’s a call of conscience to India’s majority,” he says. “We need our conscience to ache. We need it to be burdened intolerably.” Silence can mean complicity. The silent majority needs to speak up. And to speak out now. Otherwise the Hindu stalwarts who fought for justice will have been martyred for nothing.
In spite of these dark, dismal days, hope has not died. People are protesting: “Not in my name.” And India’s supreme court has just ordered all states and union territories to appoint police officers in every district to track down and prosecute cow vigilante groups. Perhaps sanity will be restored. Perhaps peace will return to this beleaguered nation again. Perhaps Lankesh and the martyrs who preceded her will not have died in vain.
• Mari Marcel Thekaekara is a human rights activist and writer based in Gudalur, Tamil Nadu
Mari Marcel Thekaekara
The Guardian - Thursday 7 September 2017
Hindu extremists go unpunished, leading to a culture in which lynching, mob violence and hate crimes are increasingly, horrifyingly, widespread
 |
| Protest in Mumbai, India, 6 September 2017, condemning the killing of journalist Gauri Lankesh. Photograph: Rajanish Kakade/AP |
When you know someone, their death hits you harder. Lankesh was the recipient of endless hate mail from Hindu extremists. She was vilified on two fronts. She dared to take on the powerful Bharatiya Janata party (BJP), currently ruling most of India. She criticised them and their cohorts for attacking minorities and creating a culture that enabled lynching, mob violence and hate crimes. She also defended Dalit rights, provoking the ire of many dominant-caste Indians across the politicalspectrum.
I have been told off for comparing the current political climate to Nazi Germany. “Don’t go over the top, you’ll lose credibility,” critics advise. Yet for 16-year-old Junaid, a hapless Muslim youth recently stabbed more than 30 times on a public train when he had merely gone out to buy festive clothes for Eid, the pattern is chillingly similar to films we’ve watched on the attacks on Jews in Hitler’s Germany.
Junaid and his friends were first pushed, then abused as “dirty Muslims”, then told to vacate their seats, their distinctive skull caps thrown on the ground. They tried to escape but Junaid was held down while his assailant stabbed him multiple times. The other boys, who were merely beaten or stabbed, were the lucky ones. They escaped with their lives.
Harsh Mander, former civil servant and activist writer, has appealed to the majority of peace-loving Hindus of India to stop the violence, to stand with the minorities. Even as Lankesh was being lethally mown down, a peace pilgrimage, or yatra, had been initiated in faraway Assam. Called the caravan of love, Karwan e Mohabbat (Kem), it aims to atone for the violence against minorities, and beg for peace and harmony to replace the politics of hate. Currently Muslims, tribal groups (the Adivasi), Dalits and Christians have been singled out in violent attacks.
A US state department report quoted in The Hindu says: “Authorities frequently did not prosecute members of vigilante ‘cow protection’ groups who attacked alleged smugglers, consumers, or traders of beef, usually Muslims, despite an increase in attacks compared to previous years.”
Kem proposes to travel across India, to meet the families of people victimised, attacked, raped and murdered for being minorities. It began on 4 September when Mander and other activist writers visited two women whose teenage sons had been brutally killed.
The cousins, Riyaz and Abu, had gone fishing on their day off. Someone screamed that they were cattle thieves. Within minutes a mob assembled. The boys were thrashed mercilessly while pleading for their lives. Their mutilated bodies came home with eyes gouged out and ears cut off. Two carefree, laughing boys left home promising their mums a fish feast. Instead the women received the worst news possible for any parent: their children had been murdered.
Kem urges Indians to fight to uphold the values of the Indian constitution, which promises its citizens liberty, justice, equality and fraternity after centuries of oppression. Now we appear to be turning into that which we hated, that which we fought against: oppressors, cruel tyrants, intolerant murderers.
In the last two decades, the voices of Hindu extremists have become more vocal, frighteningly shrill. They’ve become emboldened with the culture of impunity which seems all-pervasive. When minorities are killed, often falsely accused of trading, eating or carrying beef, by cow vigilantes, our most vocal, always tweeting Prime Minister Modi says not a word. The silence is deafening. This has encouraged the fanatics to lynch, attack and kill people.
Shockingly, the fanatics glorify Nathuram Godse, the man who assassinated Gandhi, because he believed Gandhi had caved in to Muslim demands by allowing the creation of Pakistan. The once-banned Godse cult is now thriving. Social media are powerfully used to propagate lies, hate and distorted facts.
Critics of Hindu nationalists’ fanaticism are being murdered to scare all dissenters into silence. Two years before Lankesh’s death, the eminent intellectual MM Kalburgi was also shot dead outside his home. That same year, Govind Pansare another vocal critic of extremist Hindu groups, was murdered. In August 2013, the Dalit campaigner and atheist Narendra Dabholkar killed. All of these martyred Hindus were fighting for the idea of India. They were battling to save Hinduism from bigots and charlatans.
# Never has India witnessed the flood of hatred and vitriol currently being so openly spewed #
All over India, people are waking up to the reality that their beloved country could be destroyed. Never has the country witnessed the flood of hatred and vitriol currently being openly spewed. The voices of sanity plead: “Stop the descent. We cannot become Kosovo or Rwanda.”
Mander issued a challenge to India, but especially to the Hindu majority. “It’s a call of conscience to India’s majority,” he says. “We need our conscience to ache. We need it to be burdened intolerably.” Silence can mean complicity. The silent majority needs to speak up. And to speak out now. Otherwise the Hindu stalwarts who fought for justice will have been martyred for nothing.
In spite of these dark, dismal days, hope has not died. People are protesting: “Not in my name.” And India’s supreme court has just ordered all states and union territories to appoint police officers in every district to track down and prosecute cow vigilante groups. Perhaps sanity will be restored. Perhaps peace will return to this beleaguered nation again. Perhaps Lankesh and the martyrs who preceded her will not have died in vain.
• Mari Marcel Thekaekara is a human rights activist and writer based in Gudalur, Tamil Nadu
Thursday, September 07, 2017
Gauri Lankesh - ENB Posters
இந்திய அரசியல் யாப்பு தன் குடிமகனுக்கு வழங்கியுள்ள அற்ப அரசியல் ஜனநாயக உரிமைகளையும் படுகொலை மூலம் பறித்தெடுக்கும்
ஒரு பாசிசக் கொத்தளத்தை எம் தலைக்கு மேல் சுமத்தாதீர்கள்!
அடுத்த ஈழப்புரட்சியை நசுக்க
இந்திய விரிவாதிக்கம் விச வாயு ஏந்தா வண்ணம் தங்கள் நாட்டை சுத்தப்படுத்துங்கள், சுத்திகரியுங்கள்
உலகத் தொழிலாளர்களே ஒடுக்கப்பட்ட தேசங்களே ஒன்று சேருங்கள்!
புதிய ஈழப் புரட்சியாளர்கள்
Gauri Lankesh -2016 'Narada News' Interview
Entire system has been communalised under BJP rule: Gauri Lankesh -2016 'Narada News' Interview
Deepa Dileep | Updated On: 2 Dec 2016 12:00
Here are excerpts of her telephonic interview with Narada News:
Has the verdict surprised you?
Yes, definitely. I had clearly stated before the court that there was nothing defamatory in the article.
How do you plan to carry forward the case?
As a citizen of India, I oppose the BJP’s fascist and communal politics. I oppose its misinterpretation of ‘Hindu Dharma’ ideals. I oppose the caste system of the ‘Hindu Dharma’, which is unfair, unjust and gender-biased. I oppose (LK) Advani’s Ram Mandir Yatra and Narendra Modi’s genocide of 2002. My Constitution teaches me to be a secular citizen, not communal. It is my right to fight against these communal elements.
You are often been called anti-BJP, anti-Hindu and anti-Narendra Modi. What is it exactly that you oppose?
I come from the state of Karnataka, which has produced Basava, who opposed caste inequality and injustices in the society, and am a citizen of India whose Constitution was written by Dr. BR Amedkar. He fought against communalism. I am just taking forth this fight against injustice in my own capacity. I believe in democracy and freedom of expression, and hence, am open to criticism too. People are welcome to call me anti-BJP or anti-Modi, if they want to. They are free to have their own opinion, just as I am free to have my opinion.
When your father was alive, you wrote for Patrike just once in 20 years. In an interview, you said that you deliberately kept away from the publication as it was a strident, hard-hitting paper and you were then working for the mainstream English media. Today you are doing just the opposite and have even earned the badge of lawsuit. How did this change happen?
I could not do that kind of hard-hitting writing then as I was working for other media houses and there were limitations. I did try to do meaningful work but could not do much beyond what was assigned to me.
Like all middle-class children in India, I, too, was sent to an English medium school and I was most comfortable with that language. Today I run the publication, so I am free to write articles of my choice.
Was it difficult to head a Kannada weekly when your background was in mainstream English media?
Initially, I had difficulty with the language. In fact, it was the team of Lankesh Patrike that picked me to be their editor. My father used to say if one has to write from the heart, it must be in one’s mother tongue. So, on day one of taking charge of Lankesh Patrike, I started writing in Kannada and realised that he was right. Now, I even do translation works from Kannada to English and vice versa. Still, there are times when I grope for the exact words to express myself.
What do you think has changed in Karnataka after the BJP came to power at Centre?
The killing of Kalburgi, attack on journalists, rise of right-wing fringe elements?
Of course, fringe elements are making hay as the BJP sun shines. They are ruling the roost. When Jnanpith winner UR Ananthamurthy died in 2014, members of the Bajrang Dal fired crackers. They hailed rationalist MM Kalburgi’s killing too. Even though Karnataka is being ruled by the seemingly-secular Congress; because of the BJP rule at the Centre, the entire administration system has become communalised. Here, I would like to narrate an incident. Guru Dattatreya Bababudan Swami Dargah, atop Bababudangiri in Chikkamagaluru district in Karnataka, has been a secular shrine for long where both Muslims and Hindus come to worship. However, the BJP wants to make it the ‘Ayodhya of South India’ by making it a temple and appointing a priest for it, according to their so-called Brahmanical tradition. We filed a petition against it in the Supreme Court, seeking to retain its secular nature. Last year, the apex court told the state government to decide on the issue. Since then, the Karnataka government has been sitting on the file. When I approached an IAS woman officer, with a surname of Rao (read Brahmanical caste), to discuss the matter, she dismissed it saying: “Don’t you have anything else to do other than this.” This shows how much the administration system has been communalised under the BJP rule.
What do you have to say about BJP leader Amit Malviya’s tweet following the court verdict?
Amit Malviya, chief of the BJP's information and technology cell, posted a tweet that said: "Prahlad Joshi, BJP MP from Dharwad, gets Gauri Lankesh convicted in a defamation case....Hope other journos take note."It is a direct threat to the freedom of expression and a warning to Left/liberal journalists in the country who do not agree with the BJP, Narendra Modi and Sangh Parivar’s dictum.
Do you still stick to your principle of not carrying any advertisements?
How do you find resources to sustain your publication?
Yes, I am steadfast on my principle. We have not carried any advertisement so far nor do we intend to. We have a very small budget and a smaller team. While my contemporaries are earning in lakhs, I am earning in thousands. We have work modules and freelancers. Because of my principle, my reputation is intact. I have no history of taking money. I dare anybody to prove that I have taken any money. Besides Gauri Lankesh Patrike, we have other publications – Guide (magazine for competitive exams), Udyoga (for career), Lankesh Prakashana So, we cross-subsidise, if the need arises.
As one of those instrumental to the founding of the Citizen’s Initiative for Peace (CiP) in the state, what do you have to say about the recent Maoist killings in Nilambur, Kerala?
From what I gathered after reading news reports, I believe that it was a fake encounter. The two slain Maoist leaders - Ajitha and Kuppuswamy Devaraj - were unarmed when a 60-member unit of the Kerala Police’s Thunderbolt Force shot them down. According to the Supreme Court guidelines, policemen cannot attack anyone unless their own lives are in danger. The Maoists were not armed and it is a cold-blooded murder. The police are not the judges of this land, the court is. They should have arrested them and take them to the court, not killed them.
Have you faced any challenge as a woman editor in this male-dominated media industry?
(With a laugh) There have been attempts to suppress me and my voice. Especially the social media is very cruel sometimes. I am now 52 year old and consider students like Kanhaiya Kumar, Umar Khalid and Anirban Bhattacharya as my ideological kids. I had posted their photographs on Twitter and someone commented: ‘How many husbands do you have?’
Can you debase someone just because she happens to be a woman with a voice? Still, I laugh at their stupidity and ignorance.
Source Link Below:
http://naradanews.com/2016/12/entire-administration-system-has-been-communalised-under-bjp-rule-senior-journalist-gauri-lankesh/
சமரன்: அனிதா படுகொலை: கழக கண்டன ஆர்ப்பாட்டம் உத்திரமேரூர்...
சமரன்: அனிதா படுகொலை: கழக கண்டன ஆர்ப்பாட்டம் உத்திரமேரூர்...: ⛤ நீட்` தேர்வைத் திணித்து அனிதாவைப் படுகொலை செய்த மோடி ஆட்சியை எதிர்த்துப் போராடுவோம்! ⛤தமிழகத்திற்கு துரோகம் செய்யும் "மோடியி...
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