செப்ரெம்பர் 12 தியாகிகள் தினம் தோழர் மனோகரன் உரை

உரையைக் கேட்க உருவப் படத்தில் இரட்டை அழுத்தம் செய்க

Road to Nandikadal

Road to Nandikadal : New Book on Vanquished Tigers
( September 4, 2016, Colombo, Sri Lanka Guardian)
Security analysts are said to be keeping a close eye on the book ‘Road to Nandikadal’, true story of defeating Tamil Tigers by Major General Kamal Gunaratne, expected to be released after his retirement on September 5.

The book will be released on September 6, a day after his retirement. The Sinhala and English versions of the book will be released on the same day.

It is said that several incidents that occurred during the war including the killing of Velupillai Prabhkaran.

Major General Gunaratne was the Commanding Officer of the 53 Division, that is believed to have killed the LTTE leader Prabhakaran.

Arming LTTE against Indian Army was most unfavorable and dangerous: Maj. Gen Gunaratne 

Published September 12, 2016 SOURCE: ENS 

The clandestine arming of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by the Premadasa government in Sri Lanka in the late 1980s to get rid of the “common enemy” – the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) – was “one of the most unfavorable and dangerous steps ever taken by any government in Sri Lanka,” 

says Maj.Gen.Kamal Gunaratne in his book “Road To Nandikadal”.

The whole operation was an “abhorrence” to Sri Lankan army officers who were tasked to hand over brand new weapons to the LTTE, says Gen. Gunaratne whose 53 Division finally killed the LTTE chief, Velupillai Prabhakaran, in May 2009. “When truck loads of weapons and ammunition were handed over to the LTTE inside jungles, we felt we were digging our own graves but carried out order nevertheless. Fortunately and thankfully, I was not part of this unholy transaction,” he says. 

The gifting of arms was of immense relief to the LTTE which had by then “taken a heavy beating from the IPKF,” he adds. “I have had long chats with some of the young officers who were involved in this operation and their stories are disturbing to say the least. Obviously, the whole transaction was an abhorrence to these young officers and it was made worse by the warm greetings, hugs and handshakes they received from the LTTE leaders.” “When the LTTE left with their new goodies, large stockpiles of weapons, courtesy Government of Sri Lanka, their arrogant, mocking smiles and body language seemed to be saying: One day we hope to aim all these weapons at you.” And indeed, the now well armed LTTE, did become arrogant almost immediately. “Our officers were subject to threats, due to shortfall of weapons. They would insist that quantities of weapons delivered were less than the quantities promised by the government and accused the officers of stealing. 

One can imagine the utter disgust and revulsion these soldiers and officers felt, having to hand over truck loads of brand new weapons and ammunition imported from China, still wrapped in polythene and grease proof paper, to the very enemy who would not hesitate to kill you.” The weapons give by Premadasa enabled the LTTE to strike at the IPKF “with renewed vigor and more effectively increasing the death toll and the casualty count of the IPKF.”  

It  impacted the government of India “severely,” leading  to the withdrawal of the IPKF  in March 1990. Gopalaswamy Mahaththaya, the Deputy Leader of the LTTE, who was heading the team talking to President Premadasa, acted the true politician, always in a white dhoti and sporting a broad smile. While the army knew that this was a façade, President Premadasa was completely taken in. “Mahaththaya is a real gentleman, Premadasa would say. We all know that Premadasa trusted Mahaththaya one hundred percent,”  Gen.Gunaratne says.

 As expected, Eelam War II broke out immediately after the IPKF left the island in March 1990. Mixed Feelings  About IPKF About the IPKF, Gen.Gunaratne says that the reason why they suffered heavy casualties (1500 dead and 3000 wounded) between October 1987 and March 1990, was that its officers were fighting a conventional war against a guerilla group. 

They “thoroughly underestimated the capability of the LTTE,” unlike the Sri Lankan army which never did that. For example, it was the World War II vintage thinking which led to the use of parachuting troops against the LTTE in the Jaffna University campus where Prabhakaran was holed up. The parachutists could  easily be picked up by LTTE snipers as it was a full moon night. The LTTE was fully prepared for the airborne assault and Prabhakaran had quit the campus because his men had snooped into the IPKF’s unsecured radio communications .The IPKF was using the same frequency it was using during its honeymoon with the LTTE. However, while being sorry for the slaughtered Indian commandos, the Sri Lankan army was happy with the fighting taking place between the LTTE and the IPKF. “It was a source of comfort for many of us. 

I should admit that seeing the LTTE terrorists dying at the hands of the IPKF brought me immense happiness. And on the other hand, IPKF members dying at the hands of the LTTE also made me happy to a certain extent. Some readers would find this to be unacceptable, coming from a senior military officer. However, when I think of the way India supported the Tamil terrorists, breeding and training them, the manner in which India applied pressure on the government of Sri Lanka and the low treatment that was meted out to the members of the Sri Lankan forces by uneducated Jawans on our soil, I think I should have been happier than I was,” Gen.Gunaratne writes.

Relations between the Sri Lankan army and the IPKF become worse after President Premadasa ordered the IPKF out in 1989 and the IPKF would not leave. The IPKF became arrogant in its dealings with the Sri Lankan army. “Having to put up with humiliation from the Jawans of the IPKF  was totally demoralizing and too bitter a pill to swallow.” However later, when he met some officers of the IPKF at the School of Combat in Mhow in India, they “spoke with respect about the Sri Lankan forces who had displayed unending patience and discipline in the face of humiliation from some of the IPKF members.” 

One of the officers pointed out to Gen.Gunaratne that despite the high casualties suffered by the IPKF, India had not thought it fit to build a memorial for it on its soil ,while Sri Lanka had built one adjacent to its own war memorial in Colombo courtesy the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa. “When he made this comment, I was watching his eyes very carefully and felt it was a sincere and heartfelt statement.”

Source:idrw.org . Read more at India No 1 Defence News Website , Kindly don't paste our work in other websites http://idrw.org/arming-ltte-against-indian-army-was-most-unfavorable-and-dangerous-maj-gen-gunaratne/#more-107753 .

புலிப் போரின் இறுதி நாட்கள் போர்க்குற்றவாளியின் சாட்சியம்

``பூச்சியப் பொதுமக்கள் இழப்பைப் பின்பற்றுமாறு அரசாங்கம் எமக்கு அறிவுறுத்தியது. இதனை நாங்கள் பின்பற்றினோம்.``

``பிரபாகரனின் இளைய மகன் பாலச்சந்திரனை இராணுவம் ஒரு போதும் பிடிக்கவில்லை இது பிழையான குற்றச்சாட்டு!``

ஜெனரல் கமால் குணரத்ன

டெய்லி பினான்சியல் ரைம்ஸ்சுக்கு அளித்திருந்த  அவரது செவ்வியின்
 இரண்டாவது பகுதி-

கேள்வி: சிறிலங்கா இராணுவமானது 2005-2009 வரையான காலப்பகுதியில் வெற்றிகளைக் குவிக்கும் ஒரு இராணுவமாக மாறியதாக நீங்கள் கூறினீர்கள். இந்த மாற்றத்திற்கான காரணங்கள் என்ன?

General Sarath Fonseka

பதில்: நாங்கள் கற்றுக் கொண்ட பாடங்களின் அடிப்படையில் இதனை நான் இங்கு உறுதிப்படுத்த முடியும். அப்போதைய சிறிலங்கா இராணுவம் மற்றும் சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத் தளபதி லெப்.ஜெனரல் சரத்பொன்சேகா ஆகியோர் பயங்கரவாதத்தை அழிப்பதற்கான தெளிவான இலக்கைக் கொண்டிருந்தனர். போரில் அனுபவ முதிர்ச்சி பெற்றிருந்தவர் என்ற வகையில் லெப்.ஜெனரல் சரத் பொன்சேகா புலிப்பயங்கரவாதத்தை முடிவுக்குக் கொண்டுவர வேண்டும் என்பதில் உறுதியாக இருந்தார். அவர் தனக்குப் பின் இராணுவத் தளபதியாகப் பொறுப்பேற்பவரிடம் போரைக் கையளிக்க மாட்டேன் என உறுதிபூண்டார்.

அவர் தனது வாக்குறுதியை நிறைவேற்றினார்.

ஆனால் அப்போதைய அரசாங்கத்தின் முழுமையான ஆதரவில்லாது புலிகளை இவரால் அழித்திருக்க முடியாது. அரசாங்கமானது சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தினரின் ஆளுமையைப் பலப்படுத்துவதற்கான அனுமதியை வழங்கியது. இதற்காக இராணுவத்திற்கான ஆட்சேர்ப்புக்கள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டன. இந்த ஆட்சேர்ப்பின் மூலம் 120,000 ஆகக் காணப்பட்ட இராணுவத்தினரின் எண்ணிக்கை 230,000 ஆக உயர்வடைந்தது.
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இடைக்குறிப்பு ENB
இது நடந்தேறியது நோர்வே 2002 பேச்சுவார்த்தைக்காலத்தில்!அன்ரன் பாலசிங்கம் `அக சுயநிர்ணய உரிமை பேசிய காலத்தில்! ISGA அதிகாரக் கனவில் புலித் தலைமைக்கு பொறிவைக்கப் பட்டிருந்த காலத்தில்!
மாவிலாறு அணை பூட்டப்படுவதற்கு முன்னால்!
அதாவது `சமாதான காலத்தில்`!!!
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நீங்கள் யுத்தத்தை முடிவிற்குக் கொண்டுவாருங்கள் அதில் நாங்கள் தலையீடு செய்யமாட்டோம் என முன்னாள் அதிபர் ராஜபக்ச, சரத் பொன்சேகாவிடம் தெரிவித்திருந்தார். அரசாங்கம் எமக்கு எல்லாவற்றையும்வழங்கியது. அதாவது யுத்தத்தை முன்னெடுப்பதற்கான அனைத்து வளங்கள், ஆயுதங்களை அரசாங்கம் எமக்கு வழங்கியது.

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இடைக்குறிப்பு ENB
அரசாங்கத்துக்கு யார் வழங்கியது?
சீனா,ரசியா,இந்தியா,பாகிஸ்தான்,அமெரிக்கா,இங்கிலாந்து,
இஸ்ரேல்
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இக்காலப்பகுதியில், இராணுவ நடவடிக்கைகளை முன்னெடுப்பதற்கான ஆற்றல் மிக்க கட்டளைத் தளபதிகளை அப்போதைய இராணுவத் தளபதி தெரிவு செய்தார். இவர் மூப்பு அடிப்படையில் தெரிவு செய்யாது இராணுவத் தளபதிகள் கொண்டிருந்த ஆற்றல் மற்றும் அனுபவங்களின் அடிப்படையில் கட்டளைத் தளபதிகளை நியமித்தார். இந்த நேரத்திலேயே நான் பிரிகேடியராகப் பதவி உயர்த்தப்பட்டேன். எனக்கு மேல்பல மூத்த தளபதிகள் இருந்தபோதிலும் நான் ஒரு டிவிசன் கட்டளைத் தளபதியாக நியமிக்கப்பட்டேன்.

லெப்.ஜெனரல் சரத் பொன்சேகாவிற்கு அப்போதைய பாதுகாப்புச் செயலர் கோத்தபாய ராஜபக்சவின்ஆசியும் கிடைக்கப்பெற்றது. நன்கு திட்டமிடப்பட்ட வகையில் கொமாண்டோக்கள் மற்றும் பாதுகாப்புப் படையினர் களமிறக்கப்பட்டமையின் விளைவாக புலிகளின் தளங்களை வெற்றிகரமாக அழிப்பதற்கான
இராணுவ நடவடிக்கைகள் முன்னெடுக்கப்பட்டன.

கேள்வி: தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகள் அமைப்பானது தோல்வியுறுவதற்கான காரணங்கள் எவை?

பதில்: 2005 இற்கு முன்னர் யுத்தம் புரிந்த அதே இராணுவத்துடன் புலிகள் சண்டை பிடிக்கவில்லை என்பதே பிரதான காரணமாகும்.

இறுதி யுத்தத்தின் போது மேலும் துறை சார் வளர்ச்சியைப் பெற்றிருந்த வித்தியாசமான உளச்சார்பைக் கொண்டிருந்த சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்துடனேயே புலிகள் யுத்தம் புரியவேண்டியிருந்தது. எல்லா மட்டங்களிலும் நியமிக்கப்பட்டிருந்த சிறிலங்கா இராணுவக் கட்டளைத்தளபதிகள் சிறந்த அனுபவத்தைப் பெற்றிருந்தனர். நான் முன்னர் கூறியது போன்று நாங்கள் புலிகளின் பலவீனத்தை அடையாளங் கண்டுகொண்டு அவற்றிலிருந்து பாடங்களைக் கற்றுக் கொண்டு செயற்பட
ஆரம்பித்தோம்.

நாங்கள் முன்னர் ஒரு மரபுசார் இராணுவமாகப் போர் புரிய விரும்பினாலும் கூட, நான்காம் கட்ட ஈழப்போரில் சிறப்புப் படைகள் மற்றும் கொமண்டோக்கள் தமது சிறிய குழுக்களை போரில்
ஈடுபடுத்தி போரை வெற்றி கொள்ள உதவினர். புலிகள் அமைப்பானது இந்த முறையையே முன்னர் பின்பற்றி எமக்கு அச்சத்தை ஏற்படுத்தியிருந்தனர். இந்தத் தடவை நாங்கள் எமது போர் உத்திகளை மாற்றிக்கொண்டோம். இதன்மூலம் புலிகளுக்கு அச்சத்தைத் தோற்றுவித்து போரை வெற்றி கொண்டோம்.

பிரபாகரன் தனது கெரில்லா போர் முறைமையிலிருந்து மாறவிரும்பிய அதேவேளையில் நாங்கள்எம்மாலானளவு மரபுசார் போரியலிலிருந்து எம்மை விலக்கிக் கொள்ள வேண்டும் என முயற்சித்தோம்.

இதுவே புலிகளின் மிகப்பெரிய தோல்வியாக இருந்தது. இதன் பின்னர் புலிகள் தமது சொந்த மக்களை மனிதக் கேடயங்களாகப் பயன்படுத்தினர். இதுவே புலிகள் தமது மக்களின் ஆதரவை இழப்பதற்கான முக்கிய காரணிகளில் ஒன்றாகும்.

உயர் போரியல் படையாக மாறிய பின்னர், பிரபாகரன் தனது படையை மரபுசார் படையாக மாற்றியமைத்தமையானது புலிகள் விட்ட மிகப் பெரிய தவறுகளுள் ஒன்றாகும்.

வேவுப் புலிகள், வெடிபொருள் வல்லுனர்கள், தற்கொலைக் குண்டுதாரிகள், அதனுடைய ஆட்லறிப் படையணி போன்ற உயர் போரியல் ஆற்றலைக் கொண்டிருந்த புலிப்போராளிகளை பிரபாகரன் மரபுசார்படையணியாக மாற்ற முற்பட்டமையே போர்க் களத்தில் புலிகள் தோற்றதற்கான பிரதான காரணமாகும்.

சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தினர் பல்முனைகளிலிருந்தும் தாக்குதலை நடத்தக் கூடிய உயர் வலுவுள்ள ஒரு இராணுவமாக மாறியமை புலிகளின் தோல்விக்கான பிறிதொரு காரணமாகும்.

இதன்காரணமாக, மனிதவலுவைக் குறைந்தளவில் கொண்டிருந்த புலிகள் தொடர்ந்தும் போர்க் களத்தில் தாக்குப் பிடிக்க
முடியவில்லை.

கேள்வி: போரில் ஏற்பட்ட சோர்வுநிலை மற்றும் புலிகள் அமைப்பின் மூத்த கட்டளைத் தளபதிகளின் வயதுகள் அதிகரித்தமை இதனால் இவர்களால் துடிப்புடன் செயலாற்ற முடியாமையே புலிகள் போர்க்களத்தைத் தக்கவைத்திருக்க முடியாமைக்கான காரணங்கள் என புலிகள் அமைப்பின் மகளிர் அரசியற்துறைப் பொறுப்பாளர் எஸ்.தமிழினி தான் எழுதிய நூலில் குறிப்பிட்டுள்ளார். இது தொடர்பான தங்களின்கருத்து என்ன?

பதில்: நான் தமிழினி எழுதிய நூலை வாசிக்கவில்லை. ஆனாலும் இதில் குறிப்பிடப்பட்டுள்ள காரணங்களை என்னால் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ளமுடியவில்லை. பிரபாகரன் இளமையாக இருந்தாலென்ன அல்லது அவருக்கு வயது போயிருந்தாலும் கூட இவர் தொடர்ந்தும் இரக்கமற்ற ஒருவராகவே விளங்கினார். யுத்தத்தின் இறுதிக் கணம் வரை பிரபாகரனின் தலைமைத்துவம் மிகவும் மேன்மை மிக்கதாகக் காணப்பட்டது. புலிகளின்
ஏனைய தலைவர்களான பாணு, இரட்ணம் மாஸ்ரர், சூசை போன்றவர்களும் அசாத்தியமான கட்டளைத் தளபதிகளாக விளங்கினர். போரின் இறுதிச் சில நாட்களில் சூசை கட்டளை வழங்கிய போது எவரும்பின்னோக்கிச் செல்ல விரும்பவில்லை. இந்தத் தலைவர்களின் கட்டளையின் கீழ் புலிகளின் கொமாண்டோக்கள் சிறப்பாகச் செயற்பட்டனர்.

மாரடைப்புக் காரணமாக இறந்த புலிகள் அமைப்பின் கட்டளைத் தளபதிகளில் ஒருவரான பால்ராஜின் இழப்பானது புலிகளுக்குப் பாரிய இழப்பாகும். இவர் புலிகள் அமைப்பின் சிறந்த தலைவர்களுள்ஒருவராவார். இதேபோன்று புலிகள் அமைப்பின் சிறந்த கட்டளைத் தளபதிகளில் ஒருவரான கருணா அம்மானையும் புலிகள் இழக்க வேண்டியேற்பட்டது. இதேபோன்று புலிகளின் கட்டளைத் தளபதி தீபன்புதுக்குடியிருப்புப் பகுதியில் இடம்பெற்ற தாக்குதலில் பலியாகினார். புலிகள் அமைப்பின் சிறந்த தளபதிகள் தொடர்ந்தும் பலியாகிய போதிலும் புலிகளின் உயர் தலைமையானது யுத்தத்தின் இறுதி நிமிடங்கள்வரை தைரியத்துடன் யுத்தத்தை நடாத்தியது.

கேள்வி: இறுதி யுத்தத்தின் போது சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தால் மனித உரிமை மீறல்கள் மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டதாக மனித உரிமை ஆர்வலர்கள் மற்றும் அனைத்துலக மனித உரிமை அமைப்புக்கள் குற்றம் சுமத்தின.இவ்வாறான குற்றச்சாட்டுக்கள் தொடர்பில் தங்களின் பதில் என்ன?

பதில்: இறுதி யுத்தத்தின் போது டிவிசன் கட்டளைத் தளபதியாக இருந்தவன் என்கின்ற வகையில் நான் இத்தகைய குற்றச்சாட்டுக்களைப் பலமாக மறுக்கிறேன். போரின் இறுதிக்கட்ட யுத்தத்தின் போது சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தினர் மனித உரிமை மீறல்கள் மற்றும் போர்க் குற்றங்கள் எவற்றிலும் ஈடுபடவில்லை.

இது இராணுவத்திற்கும் பயங்கரவாதிகளுக்கும் இடையிலான யுத்தமாகும். போர்ச் சூழலில்நிச்சயமாக இழப்புக்கள் ஏற்படும்.

மனிதாபிமானச் சட்டத்தை நாங்கள் பின்பற்றி பொதுமக்கள் மீதான இழப்புக்களைக் குறைப்பதற்கான சாத்தியமான அனைத்து முன்னெச்சரிக்கை நடவடிக்கைகளையும் முன்னெடுத்தோம்.

இதன் காரணமாகவே நாங்கள் எமது இராணுவ நடவடிக்கையை மனிதாபிமான நடவடிக்கை என்ற பெயரில் மேற்கொண்டோம்.
இந்த இராணுவ நடவடிக்கையின் அர்த்தத்திற்கு நாங்கள் முழுமையாக மதிப்பளித்தோம். நாங்கள் மக்கள் வாழ்ந்த பகுதிகள் மீது தாக்குதல் நடத்தவில்லை. பூச்சியப் பொதுமக்கள் இழப்பைப் பின்பற்றுமாறு அரசாங்கம் எமக்கு அறிவுறுத்தியது. இதனை நாங்கள் பின்பற்றினோம்.

கேள்வி: இறுதியாக, புலிகளின் தலைவர் தங்களின் வீரர்களுடன் 45 நிமிட யுத்தத்தை மேற்கொண்டிருந்தார். இதன் போது பிரபாகரனை உயிருடன் பிடிக்க முடியும் என்பதில் நீங்கள் உறுதியாக இருந்தீர்களா?

பதில்: எமது இராணுவத்தினர் அவரை மிக விரைவாகப் பிடித்துவிடுவார்கள் என்பதில் நான் மிகவும் உறுதியாக இருந்தேன். புலிகளின் கட்டுப்பாட்டிலிருந்த மக்கள் பாதுகாப்புத் தேடி எமது பக்கத்திற்கு இடம்பெயர்ந்து வந்தபோது நான் இதனை உணர்ந்தேன். நாங்கள் வரைபடத்தைப் பார்த்த போது, புலிகளின் கட்டுப்பாட்டிலிருந்த பகுதிகள் மிக வேகமாக எமது கட்டுப்பாட்டிற்குள் வந்துள்ளதை நாம்அறிந்துகொண்டோம்.

பொதுமக்களுடன் சேர்ந்து புலிகளும் எமது கட்டுப்பாட்டுப் பகுதிக்குள் ஓடிவந்தமையே இதற்கான காரணமாகும். இதனால் பிரபாகரனுடன் யுத்தம் புரியும் அந்த நாள் வெகு தூரத்தில் இல்லை
என்பதை நாங்கள் ஊகித்தோம். 18 மே 2009 அன்று யுத்தமானது முடிவிற்கு வந்தது. 

ஆனால் லெப்.ஜெனரல் சரத் பொன்சேகா மற்றும் எனக்குள் அந்தப் பெரிய கேள்வி ஒன்று இருந்தது. அதாவது பிரபாகரன் எங்கே?

என்பது தான் அந்தக் கேள்வியாகும்.

நாங்கள் வடக்கின் ஒவ்வொரு அங்குல நிலத்தையும் கைப்பற்றி விட்டோம் என அறிவிக்குமாறு நான் இராணுவத் தளபதியிடம் கேட்ட போது அதற்கு அவர் பிரபாகரனை உயிருடன் பிடிக்காது யுத்தமானது ஒருபோதும் நிறைவுக்கு வராது எனக் கூறினார். 

ஒவ்வொருவரும் பிரபாகரனைப் பார்ப்பதற்காக ஆவலுடன் காத்திருந்த போது, நந்திக்கடல் நீரேரியில் இடம்பெற்ற 45 நிமிட யுத்தத்தின் பின்னர் பிரபாகரனை நான்காவது விஜயபா காலாற்படையணி பற்றாலியன் வீரர்கள் கொன்றுவிட்டதாக அறிவிக்கப்பட்டது.

கேள்வி: பிரபாகரன் உயிருடன் கொழும்பிற்குக் கொண்டுவரப்பட்டு பின்னர் கொல்லப்பட்டார் என சிலர் கூறுகின்றனர். இது தொடர்பான தங்களின் கருத்து என்ன?

பதில்: இது வதந்தி. தாக்குதலின் போது இவர் கொல்லப்பட்டார் என்பதே உண்மையாகும். பிரபாகரன் அங்கிருந்தார் என்கின்ற தகவலானது மே 19 காலை வரை எவருக்கும் தெரியாது. இதுவே புலிகளுடனான எமது இறுதி யுத்த களமாக இருந்தது.

எமது வாழ்வுடன் கிட்டத்தட்ட மூன்று பத்தாண்டுகளாக விளையாடிய மனிதன் எனது கண்முன்னால் வீழ்ந்து கிடந்த அந்தத் தருணமானது போர் வீரர் என்ற வகையில் என்னால் மறக்க முடியாத ஒரு தருணமாகும்.

‘சேர் நாங்கள் பிரபாகரனைக் கொன்றுவிட்டோம்’ என எனது வீரர்கள் மகிழ்ச்சியுடன் ஆர்ப்பரித்தார்கள். எமது இராணுவத்தின் அனைத்து டிவிசன் தளபதிகள் மற்றும் வீரர்களின் முழுமையான அர்ப்பணிப்பின்காரணமாக இந்த யுத்தமானது முடிவிற்குக் கொண்டு வரப்பட்டது எனக் கூறுவதில் நான் பெருமையடைகிறேன். இது ஒரு கூட்டு முயற்சியாகும்.

கேள்வி: பிரபாகரனின் இளைய மகன் பாதுகாப்புப் படையினரால் கொல்லப்பட்டார் எனக் கூறப்படுகிறது. இது தொடர்பான தங்களின் கருத்து என்ன?

பதில்: இந்தக் குற்றச்சாட்டை நான் முற்றாக மறுக்கிறேன். இவரை சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தினர் ஒருபோதும் உயிருடன் பிடிக்கவில்லை. இது பிழையான குற்றச்சாட்டாகும்.

எவர் துப்பாக்கித் துளைகள் இவை ?

கேள்வி: தங்களது இளமைக்காலம் முழுமையையும் இந்த நாட்டில் சமாதானம் ஏற்பட வேண்டும் என்பதற்காக புலிகள் அமைப்புடன் போரிட அர்ப்பணித்து தற்போது சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்திலிருந்து
ஓய்வுபெற்றுவிட்டீர்கள். தற்போது நீங்கள் என்ன கூறவிரும்புகிறீர்கள்?

பதில்: ஆம், மூன்று பத்தாண்டுகளுக்கும் மேலாக நான் அணிந்த சீருடையைத் தற்போது நான் கழற்றிவிட்டேன். நான் வெற்றி பெற்ற சிறிலங்கா இராணுவத்தின் பெருமைக்குரிய வீரனாக செப்ரெம்பர் 05 அன்று ஓய்வுபெற்றுள்ளேன். நான் ஒருபோதும் தோல்வியுற்ற வீரனாக ஓய்வுபெற விரும்பவில்லை. ஆகவே நான் எனது கனவை நனவாக்கி விட்டேன். இனி நான் எனது குடும்பத்தாருடன் சாதாரண வாழ்க்கை வாழ்வேன்.

பிரியாவிடை- போர்க்குற்றவாளிகள்: Kamal,Rajapaksa, Gotha Paya

எனக்கு மட்டுமல்லாது, போரில் கட்டளையிட்ட எனது சக அதிகாரிகளும் தமது இளமைக்காலம் முழுமையையும் புலிகள் அமைப்புடன் போரிடுவதற்காக காடுகளில் செலவிட்டதன் மூலம் தமது வாழ்வைஅர்ப்பணித்தனர். நாங்கள் அதிகளவான தியாகங்கள், ஈடுபாடுகள் மற்றும் அர்ப்பணிப்புக்களின் மூலம் சமாதானத்தை எட்டியுள்ளோம். நிலையான சமாதானம் ஒன்றை நாட்டில் தொடர்ந்தும் தக்கவைத்திருக்கவேண்டியது இந்த நாட்டின் அரசியற் தலைமையின் பொறுப்பு என நான் கருதுகிறேன்.

நாங்கள் நல்லிணக்கம் தொடர்பாகக் கதைக்கிறோம். ஆனால் நிலஅதிகாரம், அதிகாரப் பகிர்வு, காவற்துறை மற்றும் நீதி சார் அதிகாரம், சிங்களவர் என்ற வகையில் கிளிநொச்சி வைத்தியசாலை பொறுப்பதிகாரியை நீக்குமாறு கோரிக்கை விடுத்தமை தொடர்பான கோரிக்கைகளை நாங்கள் செவிமடுக்கிறோம். தேசிய கீதத்தை நாங்கள் தமிழில் இசைத்தோம். ஆனால் மீளிணக்கம் இடம்பெறவில்லை.

சமாதானத்தைக் குழப்பும் அண்மைய சில செயற்பாடுகள் தொடர்பாக அரசாங்கம் விழிப்புடன் இருக்க வேண்டும். அரசியல் தலைமையானது இவற்றை அகன்ற திரையின் ஊடாகப் பார்க்க வேண்டிய தேவையுள்ளது.

Road to Nanthikkdal

கேள்வி: தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகள் மீண்டும் புத்துயிர் பெறுவார்கள் என நீங்கள் கருதுகிறீர்களா?

பதில்: இந்தச் சூழலானது சரியான முறையில் கையாளப்படாவிட்டால், புலிகள் மீண்டும் புத்துயிர் பெறுவார்கள். ஏனெனில் 12,400 வரையான முன்னாள் போராளிகள் சமூகத்தில் வாழ்கின்றனர். இவர்கள்முழுமையான புனர்வாழ்வுப் பயிற்சிக்கு உட்பட்டாலும் கூட, இவர்கள் பொதுமக்களுடன் 100 வீதம் ஒன்றிணைந்து வாழ்கின்றனர் எனக் கருதமுடியாது. இவ்வாறானதொரு சூழல் உருவாகினாலும் கூட பிரபாகரனின் தலைமைத்துவம் போன்று புதிய தலைமைத்துவமானது வினைத்திறனுடன் செயற்படாது.

புலிகள் அமைப்புத் தொடர்பான கருத்தியலானது தற்போதும் உயிர்பெற்று வாழ்வதால் இவர்கள் மீண்டும்புத்துயிர் பெறலாம். தமிழ்த் தேசியக் கூட்டமைப்பின் நிகழ்ச்சி நிரலானது ஈழம் மட்டுமே என்பதால் தமிழ் அரசியற் தலைவர்கள் என்பதை என்னால் ஏற்றுக்கொள்ள முடியாது.

செவ்விகண்டவர் –  Shanika Sriyananda வழிமூலம்    –   Daily FT மொழியாக்கம் நித்தியபாரதி

நன்றி புதினப்பலகை

காஸ்மீர் தேசத்தை துண்டாடும் இந்திய விரிவாதிக்கத்தின் சதி திட்டம்

Sanjeev Nayyar 

Is it time to divide J&K into three?
September 10, 2016 13:04 IST


Since 1950 successive governments have tried various options but failed to reduce alienation amongst the people, for different reasons, of Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh. It is best to accept this reality and let each region charter its own path, within the framework of the Indian Constitution, says Sanjeev Nayyar.

The Kashmir Valley has hogged newspaper headlines for nearly two months now for all the wrong reasons.

Everyone wants a solution to the Kashmir problem but are phrases like Kashmiryaat, Insaniyat and composite Sufi culture the solution?

The author first visited Kashmir Valley in 1988, followed by a 2,000 km drive through Jammu region and the Valley in 2014 and extensively covered Ladakh in 2016. During these travels I met a cross section of people.

This article uses insights gained to suggest a different way forward for Jammu & Kashmir.

Besides visiting Srinagar and Gulmarg in 1988, I did a seven-day trek from Pahalgaum to Sonmarg. On the last night, we stayed in the hut of a shepherd. A local lady gave us (me and a French couple) dinner and a place to sleep. Naturally we offered to pay. She said, 'I will take money from you because you are Indian'. No issues. Post breakfast the lady had no qualms in asking the same Indian for his slippers, as a gift, since she liked them very much.

This incident of nearly 30 years ago best symbolises Kashmiri attitude towards India. They want what India has to offer and simultaneously consider Indians as alien. In 2016 the author visited three Kashmiri shops next to west entrance of Meenakshi Temple in Madurai -- Can Indians open shops in the Valley?

Has anything changed?

In 2014, I travelled to Basohli, Rajouri, Poonch, Anantnag, Verinag, Kishtwar, Bhadarwah and Jammu. Of these all except Anantnag and Verinag are in Jammu region.

Basohli, approximately 160 km from Jammu, is well known for a style of painting characterised by vigorous use of primary colours and a peculiar facial formula. It is from here that this style spread to Chamba and Kangra in Himachal. We met with members of Vishwasthali, a social and cultural organisation that is striving to keep the tradition alive by teaching young children. They complained about negligible state government support.

J&K is a huge state of 101,387 sq kms of which Ladakh has 58.3 per cent, Jammu 26 per cent and Kashmir 15.7 per cent.

In Rajouri locals were concerned about the local effect of violence in Kashmir because the state PWD constructed Mughal Road reduced travel time to about four hours.

In Poonch people spoke about uncertainty caused by frequent cease-fire violations by Pakistan and lack of employment opportunities hence wanted reservations in government jobs for the Pahari-speaking peoples.

In the Valley, at Anantnag most children kept a distance from us at the Surya Martand Mandir. We lost our way in the dark whilst driving to Verinag -- everyone whom we asked for directions looked at us suspiciously.


During an early morning walk in Verinag, the author was asked if he had visited Srinagar. When I said no, they looked aghast as if had committed a crime indicating their Valley centric approach. Ditto in Kishtwar.

In Verinag, the river Jhelum (Sanskrit name Vitasta) rises from a kund (pond). The author asked a local how a small stream caused so much damage in Srinagar during the 2014 floods. He said the stream was joined by smaller rivers but avoided referring to the construction over water outlet channels in Srinagar.

The response symbolises Valley approach -- blame others but refuse to accept responsibility for your actions.

In Kishtwar (Jammu region) I asked two men if they were locals -- the instant response we are from Kashmir.

It was in Jammu that the author found near total alienation:

A feeling of being discriminated since 1951 when the number of legislators was wrongly decided in favour of Kashmir.

Lack of employment opportunities meant locals had to seek jobs outside. 'Jammu is becoming a city of old people and pensioners,' said a senior citizen.

They wondered why IT companies did not open development centres in Jammu to take advantage of educated local talent. Who would do so given the restrictions on purchase of property by non-citizens of J&K. Though not said explicitly, they felt trapped by such restrictive provisions.

Maximum number of government jobs and expenditure were cornered by Valley. Their voices indicated helplessness.

I met with west Pakistan refugees who are citizens of India but not permanent residents of J&K.
In spite of huge potential, tourism to Jammu region is not promoted by the state government.

When I asked for information on Rajouri and Poonch, official at tourist office said these were border areas, none went there.

The response in Ladakh region was slightly different.

In Leh, Pangong Lake or dhabas along the Leh Srinagar highway the only reference to Kashmir was in the context of how violence had reduced tourist inflows. Some criticised the Valley vehemently whilst others chose to ignore citing the continuous surge in domestic and foreign tourists.

Is this attitude the result of Buddhist approach to life or because Ladakh was not a victim of terrorism, unlike Jammu region, is difficult to say?

When I praised the four-lane road from Leh to Karu, the driver snapped to say it became four-lane after the formation of the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council. A sense of anger exists but is not easily manifest. After constant nudging a Ladakhi said, "When Leh and surrounding areas were buried in a mudslide few years back, bodies at the government hospital had to be dumped in garages because there was no mortuary. Funds were being asked from the state government for past few years but were not released."

At a Tibetan shop in Leh's main market had a stimulating discussion with a 28-year-old Kashmiri shop owner who blamed the Indian Army and former governor Jagmohan for wrong doings in the Valley. The author said, ask your friend how has India treated the Tibetans?

The discussion reiterated the stubborn refusal of Kashmiris to accept their wrongdoings.

In Kargil, teachers at the Army Goodwill School and residents of Panikhar village in Suru valley (65 kms away) were happy with their state. In village Bhimbat, 5 kms from Dras town, saw locals (Muslims) visit a huge rock that is supposed to be the solidified body of Pandava Bhim.

The observations can be summed up as follows.

The cultures of Jammu, Valley and Ladakh are very different. "Ethnically they are different; their language and cultures are different, their needs and requirements are totally different. Even ecologically, they fall in a different zone. The culture of Poonch is closer to that of Rawalkot in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir.

Cutting across religious lines the people of Jammu and Ladakh regions are unhappy with the state government’s excessive focus on the Valley.

People of these two regions are happy but are hostage to the violence in Kashmir.
They believe that if restrictions imposed by the state constitution are removed, their regions would develop and progress.

In spite of being discriminated against by every state government and being victims of terrorism (especially the Jammu region) they did not express their unhappiness through the gun.

Since 1950 successive governments have tried various options but failed to reduce alienation amongst the people, for different reasons, of Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh. It is best to accept this reality and let each region charter its own path, within the framework of the Indian Constitution.

Therefore, it is proposed that J&K be divided into three smaller states. Ladakh becomes a Union Territory, the area from Poonch to Kishtwar becomes Jammu state and the Valley is Kashmir state. The two states would be independent financial units like other states of India.

Ladakh and Jammu regions have a mixed population of Buddhists, Hindus and Shia Muslims while Kashmir is pre-dominantly Sunni Muslim.

The division is not based on religious lines and does not take away the right of displaced Kashmiri Pandits to return to the Valley.

Since Ladakh has immense geo-political significance, UT status means decentralisation of powers, adequate funding from the Centre and better infrastructure. The region is scenic, terrain attractively different and has lovely people meaning huge tourism potential. Autonomous Hill Councils will give people's representatives a say. Restrictions on purchase of land by non-locals be imposed to ensure people from other states do not buy property as has happened in Uttaranchal.

According to a 2002 interview http://www.rediff.com/news/2002/aug/05inter.htm with Thupstan Chhewang, chairman, Ladakh Hill Development Council, “Ladakh was an independent kingdom till 1836, when it was invaded and annexed to the Dogra state of Jammu. In 1947, when India was granted Independence, we were part of the principality of Jammu and Kashmir. It is how we became part of the Jammu and Kashmir state.”

“At the time of Partition, the people of Ladakh approached the maharaja and later (in 1949), they approached the Indian prime minister with the same demand: we do not want to be part of the Jammu and Kashmir state. We wanted Ladakh to be directly administered by Delhi. We already had an apprehension that Ladakh would be discriminated against by the Kashmiris and it has happened now for the past 40 years.”

The proposed division restores pre-1836 status.

The existing Jammu and Kashmir Constitution would apply to Kashmir only since they are its biggest proponents. The central and state governments might like to consider special autonomy to the state, within the framework of the Indian Constitution, based on the principal of reciprocity.

The state of Jammu to ensure adequate representation is given to all sections of society. The displaced persons of POK and other refugees would then be entitled to vote in state elections, be eligible for government jobs and social benefits.

Smaller states ensure better administration. Note that J&K is a huge state of 101,387 sq kms of which Ladakh has 58.3 per cent, Jammu 26 per cent and Kashmir 15.7 per cent. Mountainous terrain makes the task of administration more challenging.

Pakistan will object to any plan till J&K becomes its part in entirety.

Sanjeev Nayyar is an independent columnist. On Twitter: @sanjeev1927

Sanjeev Nayyar

'Element of fear is gone' for Kashmir's youth - Parvez Imroz

NEWS KASHMIR 6 SEPTEMBER 2016

Parvez Imroz, the founding president of the JKCCS group [Faisal Khan/Al Jazeera]

Q&A: 'Element of fear is gone' for Kashmir's youth

Parvez Imroz, a leading rights activist in Kashmir, speaks to Al Jazeera on the current unrest and its fallout.

Srinagar - Indian-administered Kashmir has been in turmoil since July 8 when rebel commander Burhan Wani was killed by Indian security forces.

More than 70 people have been killed and thousands wounded in the ensuing unrest, including hundreds with serious eye injuries from pellets guns fired by Indian security personnel, who have faced criticism for using excessive forces against the protesters.

The disputed region has mostly remained under a curfew since the unrest began.
An all-party delegation from New Delhi concluded a recent visit to the Himalayan region but no breakthrough could be reached on how to end nearly two months of deadly violence. 

Al Jazeera spoke to Parvez Imroz, a leading human rights activists in the Kashmir valley, about the situation in the region.

Imroz is the founding president of the Jammu Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society (JKCCS), which runs advocacy campaigns, documents rights violations and provides legal assistance to victims.

Al Jazeera: How do you see the Jammu and Kashmir state government's handling of the widespread protests in Kashmir following the killing of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani?

Imroz: Everything is controlled by the police and Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) [paramilitary forces] on the streets here. The state government looks isolated as more Border Security Force (BSF) troops have been called in.

The state government doesn't seem to have any say in the decision making. They're struggling to have some face saving now, given the rising number of deaths and pellet- and bullet-injured people.

It is the Indian home ministry and defence ministry that is controlling things here and calling all the shots.

Al Jazeera: How do you see the role of Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti?

Imroz: The present civilian uprising and widespread protests are beyond the expectations of government here. After [the] 2010 uprising, with the passage of time, the anger intensified. And it has been an unexpected uprising this time around.

The only fear [the] government of India had was that they never wanted people to come out in large numbers on the streets in Kashmir like they did in 2008 and 2010. But it's happening again.

The politicians of ruling and opposition parties are also making contradictory statements, which further damages their credibility among people in Kashmir.

Al Jazeera: How is the current uprising different from the 2008 and 2010 mass protests?

Imroz: It can be seen as a continuation of the 2008 and 2010 uprisings. About 600,000 troops are not here to fight a few hundred militants but to control the population.

The People’s Democratic Party-Bharatiya Janata Party (PDP-BJP) coalition government has been on the offensive here since it came to power with agendas such as proposed Sainik [army] colonies, separate townships for [displaced] Kashmiri Pandits etc.

People here had a feeling that the local PDP party in coalition with Hindu nationalist BJP had decided to go ahead with their divisive plans and policies.

Also, the treatment meted out by the BJP government to minorities elsewhere, including Muslims, weighed heavily on the minds of people here. The jingoistic corporate media further angered people here.

Al Jazeera: Do you think the prolonged period of curfews, snapping of mobile and internet services and other restrictive measures enforced by the government has further angered people?

Imroz: The more restrictions are enforced, and the more army and other paramilitary forces are called in, it is in a way the success of people's struggle here.

The government doesn't really know what to do and how to control protests.

The state has become more vehement, firing bullets and pellets on unarmed people. But, despite all this use of force, people are organising these protests well, which was not the case in the early 1990s.
It was more of an emotional outburst back then.

And many young people who are now on the streets have not seen the fear and terror that was instilled by the government forces in early 1990s.

Now that element of fear is gone.

Al Jazeera: What do you think has been the government's response to the protests?

Imroz: The Indian troops here have realised that they are working in a territory where people are hostile to them and they are seen as an occupation forces.

And there is no accountability for them when they are involved in human rights violations here.

Lot of inquiries and probes were ordered in the past but then nothing happened.

Here the army, CRPF, and police force is convinced that they will get away after shooting bullets and pellets at unarmed people.


They have appointed commission of inquiries in the past for human rights violations but finally nothing substantial came out of those enquiries.

On the contrary, those involved in human rights abuses and killings in Kashmir have been rewarded and awarded by the state.

Al Jazeera: The CRPF recently informed the High Court that there will be more fatalities if pellet guns are banned. Do you think the use of pellet guns in Kashmir should be completely stopped?

Imroz: This is not logic to say that had they not used pellet guns, there would have been more deaths. What kind of logic is it?

It's unacceptable.

OIC voices concern over situation in Indian-administered Kashmir
The number of injured is over 8,000 people till now and their numbers are rising with every passing day. And these people are crippled and will never be the same again.

At JKCCS, we have been documenting cases of previous torture and injured people. Many of these people later die, succumbing to their injuries.

I know a lot of tortured people who after five or six years of treatment died after going through painful and unsuccessful treatment for years.

More importantly, even a non-lethal weapon can be made into a lethal weapon depending on the person using it ... CRPF and police have not exercised restraint here while using these supposedly non-lethal weapons on unarmed protesters.

Recently, the images of an injured and bloodied Syrian boy shocked the entire Europe. But when a 14-year-old Kashmiri girl, Insha Malik, was blinded in both her eyes by pellets, it did not rock the conscience of people and civil society in India.

Al Jazeera: How significant is the proposed visit by UN rights body chief and what should be expected of UNHRC team's visit to assess the human rights situation in Kashmir, if they are allowed to visit by the government?

Imroz: People and governments in other countries are getting to know about the undemocratic ways of [the] Indian state in Kashmir. And the recent attacks and sedition charges on international humanitarian organisations like Amnesty International India are also taken note of.

The image of the Indian state that is going out to the world is that of a right-wing, undemocratic state.

Sartaj Aziz [foreign affairs adviser to the the Pakistani prime minister] has welcomed UNHRC to Pakistan, but India has denied them access to Kashmir. Earlier India also did not allow the special rapporteur on enforced disappearance and torture to visit Kashmir.

Pakistan, on the other hand, has allowed them [the UN] access.

In 2008, the EU passed a resolution when mass graves were found in Kashmir, but [the] government of India rejected it.

The Indian government is obsessed with sovereignty. They feel even the "K" word cannot be discussed.

I think India will not allow [the] UNHRC team to visit Kashmir as it will further internationalise the Kashmir issue.

Even the International Committee of the Red Cross presence in Kashmir is limited to visiting a few detention centres once in a while, and that is it. They can't work on issues of disappearances, torture and missing people here.

In other countries, ICRC has even excavated mass graves, but they are not allowed to work on such issues in Kashmir.

Al Jazeera: How do you see the situation emerging from here?

Imroz: The use of force against protesters is likely to continue. But one thing is certain - this uprising has given [a] new dimension to the resistance in Kashmir.

The young generation is really controlling things on the streets.

In [the] 1990s, and even till early 2000, some people from here would go and openly talk to the Indian government on behalf of people, but that can't happen now because people here have realised nothing comes out of these talks.

But it remains to be seen how young people leading the protests will organise themselves and lead the struggle in the times ahead.

Source: Al Jazeera News

US and Russia agree Syria peace plan

US and Russia agree Syria peace plan

US Secretary of State John Kerry says Russia and the US have agreed to a cessation of hostilities in Syria from sunset on 12 September.

After talks in Geneva 09-09-2016, he announced a plan for the Syrian government to end combat missions in specified opposition areas.

Russia and the US will also work together to defeat so-called Islamic State and al-Nusra fighters.

The plan would need both the regime and opposition "to meet their obligations".

======   BBC    ======

US Russia Syria Deal

WORLD NEWS | Fri Sep 9, 2016 6:10pm EDT
Russia's Lavrov blames U.S. for holding up Syria agreement

Reuters

By David Brunnstrom and Tom Miles | GENEVA

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov accused the United States of holding up a Syrian ceasefire at talks in Geneva with U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry on Friday and said the negotiations may have to be reconvened next week.

"We're thinking of maybe calling it a day, maybe meeting next week," Lavrov told reporters waiting for a potential agreement to be announced at a news conference between the two diplomats.

Asked if Russia had approved a text of an agreement, Lavrov said: "We are there, I don't know where our friends are, but I believe it's important for them to check with Washington."

A senior U.S. administration official said Kerry was discussing the proposals with colleagues in Washington.

"Those discussions are ongoing and when we have more to say we will," he said.

Earlier, the U.S. official said two sides had made progress on proposals for a nationwide ceasefire in Syria after a full day of talks, but technical details still needed to be worked out.

"We are not in a position right now to say whether or not a final deal can be reached."

A Russian official said the process was "stuck in Washington."

"We're waiting for a reply from Washington. It's stuck in Washington for more than five hours," the Russian official said. A positive reply from the White House would not necessarily mean there was a deal, he added.

The United States and Russia have backed opposite sides in Syria's civil war, which shows little sign of ending after more than five years of violence in which half the pre-war population has been uprooted. Moscow supports President Bashar al-Assad and Washington supports the opposition, saying Assad must go.

Kerry’s meeting with Lavrov is their third in two weeks and they have spoken several times by telephone to try to narrow differences on a Syrian peace plan that has been under discussion since July.

Kerry’s proposal for military cooperation with Russia over Syria has faced resistance from U.S. defense and intelligence officials, who argue that Moscow cannot be trusted.

U.S. officials involved in the talks have accused Russia of failing to provide necessary guarantees to allow for a deal.

Senior State Department officials briefing reporters on Kerry’s flight to Switzerland played down the prospect of a final breakthrough from Friday's talks, although they said "steady progress" had been made in recent weeks.

They said they believed an agreement was still possible but warned that the talks could not go on forever.

One senior U.S. official said en route to Geneva that while Kerry would try to make progress there, "patience is not infinite" and the United States would not simply keep talking if a conclusion was not reached "relatively soon".

The officials declined to elaborate on what Washington might do if the talks broke down.

The United Nations said on Friday the Syrian government had effectively stopped aid convoys this month and the besieged city of Aleppo was close to running out of fuel, making the talks even more urgent.

Under the plan being discussed by Kerry and Lavrov, a cessation of hostilities agreement would halt violence between rival forces and open humanitarian corridors.

Russia has insisted that opposition groups must separate from al Qaeda-linked militants in cities such as Aleppo. Washington wants Assad’s air force grounded to stop its attacks on opposition forces and civilians.

The second U.S. official said any agreement with Russia would have to include an end to the siege by government forces and their militia allies around Aleppo and this would be a focal point of Friday's talks.

The Syrian army secured a road into the government-held side of Aleppo that was captured by rebels last month and was expected to open it soon for civilians, state-owned al-Ikhbariya TV reported on Friday.

(Editing by Larry King)

Kahmir DAY 62: Forces foil freedom rallies, 170 more injured

Photo: Kamran Yousuf/GK

No let-up in pellet firing, teargas shelling | 40 injured in Tral alone, residents allege forces’ atrocities | 1-year-old girl faints after forces fire chilli grenades at Chotta Bazar | Bandipora man’s detention triggers protests

ABID BASHIR/ KHALID GUL

Srinagar/Anantnag, Publish Date: Sep 9 2016 12:45AM | Updated Date: Sep 9 2016 1:13AM

DAY 62: Forces foil freedom rallies, 170 more injured

At least 170 people sustained pellet and teargas shell injuries across Kashmir on Thursday as the ongoing uprising entered its 62nd straight day, witnesses and reports said, even as there was no let-up in massive pro-freedom rallies in scores of areas. A one-year-old girl fell unconscious after forces fired chilly-grenades at protestors in Chotta-Bazar, Kani Kadal locality in Srinagar. The girl identified as Zuha daughter of Ajaz Ahmed Zargar, was shifted to nearby SMHS hospital where her condition was said to be stable.

SOUTH KASHMIR

At least 150 people sustained injured as forces continued to foil freedom rallies in South Kashmir. People also resisted attempts of arrest of youth by police during raids in Tral, triggering clashes wherein scores of people were injured. At least 24 people were wounded after forces attacked a pro-freedom-cum-unity rally in Kellar village of Shopian.

Witnesses said locals had planned a pro-freedom rally in the premises of a local Darasgah. However police and CRPF raided the venue this morning and ransacked it, triggering clashes, they said. The forces used pellets and lobbed teargas shells, but the defiant people again assembled and the rally, which was attended by thousands, was held successfully.

A huge rally was also held in Jamnagri, Shopian which ended peacefully.

At least 30 persons were injured after in clashes after forces tried to foil a pro-freedom rally in Batnoor–Lassipora village in Pulwama district, witnesses said.

“The forces started moving towards the venue from Pulwama to foil the rally. However, on way they were confronted by youth who hurled stones at them in Trichal,  Tahab, Tumlahaal, Lassipora, Tantraypora and Armullah villages,” they said.

The forces lobbed numerous teargas shells and fired pellets to disperse the protesters, triggering clashes.

The villagers alleged that forces barged into houses, beat up inmates and ransacked household goods and also smashed windowpanes and other property.

“They beat up whosoever came in their way” residents of Trichal told Greater Kashmir.

Witnesses said locals had erected barricades at many places to stop forces from reaching the venue where the rally was on.

“The forces, however, kept on removing the barricades and reached the Batnoor village where clashes, in which 25 people including some cops were injured, took place,” a group of locals said.
The forces later retreated and the rally went on, they said.

At least 30 people were injured after forces fired teargas shells and pellets to disperse people who had assembled to hold a pro-freedom rally in Qazigund area of Anantnag district. Locals said the rally was scheduled to be held in Chuymul village and a stage was set up.

“The volunteers were already patrolling to foil entry of forces. However, police and CRPF raided the venue at around 2 AM, vandalized the venue and beat up volunteers,” locals said.

They said people came out of their houses and clashes erupted.

“The clashes continued till afternoon and a heavy deployment of forces was made all along the Srinagar-Jammu Highway and no one was allowed to move,” they said.

“Most of the injured had pellet injuries and four of them were shifted to district hospital,” health officials said.

They said one of the injured identified as Muzafar Wani of Wagund-Qazigund—whose left eye was damaged after being hit with pellets—was referred to Srinagar.

“The rest of the injured were treated in Emergency and Trauma Hospital- Qazigund and Sub-District Hospital Dooru and other Primary Health Centers,” officials said.

“As the clashes continued in the village, people later assembled in a walnut orchard of adjacent Targom village and organized a rally there,” locals said.

Clashes also erupted in Adigam village of Devsar in Kulgam district after forces tried to foil a rally, resulting into injuries to few people.

At least 50 persons were injured in clashes between protesters and forces in Dadsara village of Tral.
Local hospital sources said six injured persons were referred to Srinagar for specialized treatment.

 “Five of them had pellet injuries in eyes while one had a fractured leg due to assault,” they said. “The other injured are being treated at SDH Tral and PHC Dadsra.”

Witnesses said clashes erupted after forces raided Mir Mohalla and Batpora to make arrests. People resisted it, triggering clashes. However, one youth was reportedly rounded up.

Meanwhile, funeral prayers in-absentia were offered in Kulgam town for Hizb commander Burhan Muzaffar Wani and civilians killed during the ongoing anti-India uprising. People also offered prayers on roads.

In Tral town, the Traders’ Federation—carrying banners and placards—held a protest demonstration. A blood donation camp was also organized in Prichul Pulwama by local Auqaf Committee. “We collected 70 points of blood for those who get injured,” said Fayaz Andarbi, Chairman of the Committee.

Reports of protests and clashes were also received from Sangam and Vesu-Qazigund in Anantnag district; Kaimoh in Kulgam district and Charsoo in Pulwama district.

NORTH KASHMIR

Scores of residents of Ajas Bandipora, including women, staged a protest against detention of a man. The protestors blocked Srinagar-Bandipora highway and shouted pro-freedom and anti-India slogans. They were demanding release of sumo driver Mehraj-ud-din (32), who, they said, was arrested yesterday by police.

“He is not involved in any kind of stone-pelting activity. He is innocent,” said a protestor. He said had pleaded before police to release Mehraj, father of two, but they didn’t listen.

Meanwhile, hundreds of people offered Zuhr prayers on road in Gulshan Chowk to protest against civilian killings. People from Plan, Nowpora, Nibripora and Ajar participated in the prayers.

Reports said people also offered Zuhr prayers on roads in Hajin area.

Reports from Baramulla said barring a minor incident of stone-pelting in main town, the overall situation in the district remained peaceful. However, restrictions remained in place in the town by virtue of which movement on few bridges was not allowed. The situation in Palhallan and Pattan areas of Baramulla district too remained peaceful. Reports from Sopore suggested that on the call of joint resistance program, people offered Zuhr and Asr prayers on roads in various villages and later staged pro-freedom protests. The areas where pro-freedom rallies were held in Sopore include Chanakhan, Muslim Peer, Tujar Sharief, Bomia, Chotta Bazar, Noorbagh, Nowpora,  Botengo, Dooru, Hygam, Tarzoo and Mazbugh. Locals of Hathlangoo, Tarzoo, Botengu and Dooru alleged forces’ atrocities.  Residents of Zainageer area alleged forces’ atrocities, stating the forces broke windowpanes of many residential houses.

Reports from Kupwara district said Kulanga-Handwara witnessed clashes while rallies were held in Natnoosa and Trehgam areas.

SRINAGAR

Five youth sustained pellet and tear-gas shell injuries when forces foiled a major protest rally at Rajouri Kadal area of old Srinagar this evening. Reports said forces intercepted a rally at Rajouri Kadal and didn’t allow the protestors to proceed further. They fired dozens of teargas shells to push back the protestors, resulting in injuries to at least five youth. Reports of evening clashes poured in from Chotta Bazar, Kani Kadal, Karfali Mohalla, Khanyar, Bohri Kadal, Nawa Kadal, Hawal and Gojwara areas of old Srinagar.

Reports also said youth clashed with forces at Batamaloo area of uptown while a torch procession was taken out at Nowgam area amid pro-freedom slogans.

Reports said evening clashes were also witnessed at Palpora, Nopora, Sekidafar, Noorbagh and Qamarwari areas. Similar clashes were reported from Nawabazar and Fatehkadal areas as well.
Meanwhile, shops opened after 6 pm at Regal Chowk, Jehangir Chowk, Residency Road, and Hari Singh High Street. Many old city residents said there were restrictions in place in several areas.

CENTRAL KASHMIR

Reports said huge protest rallies were taken from Panzan and Nasrullahpora of Budgam district. Witnesses said thousands of people from various areas participated in the rallies where pro-freedom and anti-India slogans were raised.

Reports said activists from Hurriyat parties also participated in the rallies.

In Panzan area, clashes broke out early in the morning when forces tried to foil a pro-freedom rally which was organised at local Higher Secondary School ground. Locals said that forces resorted to heavy tear-gas shelling and pellet firing, resulting in the injuries to at least five youth.

At Nasrullahpora, reports said, speakers from various pro-freedom groups stressed on remaining steadfast and taking the present movement to its logical conclusion.

In Ganderbal district, a complete shutdown was observed for the 62nd consecutive day. All shops and business establishments remained closed.

POLICE VERSION

A spokesman of the Zonal Police Headquarters Kashmir said that the overall situation remained “under control throughout the valley.”

“However, some stray stone pelting incidents were reported till filing of this report,” he said.
The spokesman said three incidents of stone pelting were reported from Budgam, Pulwama and Shopian. “At these places, miscreants assembled on the roads and attempted to disturb the normal traffic and movement of people by pelting stones on vehicles, police and security force deployments,” he said.

The spokesman said that increased movement of private and passenger vehicular traffic was observed in most parts of Srinagar as also in major towns of Kashmir.

Meanwhile, a police spokesman said restrictions on assembly of people across Kashmir have been lifted.

“There were no restrictions or curfew anywhere in the Valley today,” a police spokesman said. He, however, said forces have been deployed at “sensitive places” to “maintain law and order.”

(With additional reporting from Altaf Baba, Ghulam Muhammad, Showkat Dar, Eijaz-ul-Haq Bhat, Sheikh Nazir)

விரிவாதிக்கம் காவு கொண்ட 79 காஸ்மீர் போராளிகளுக்கு வீர வணக்கம்.

இந்திய விரிவாதிக்கத்தின்

காஸ்மீர் தேசிய அழிப்பு அரச பயங்கர வன்முறையில் அறுபது நாளில் பலியான 79 போராளிகளுக்கு வீரச் செவ்வணக்கம்!

புதிய ஈழப் புரட்சியாளர்கள் 

LIST OF 79 PERSONS KILLED IN 60 DAYS OF PROTESTS: 

District Anantnag

1) Ashraf Ahmad Dar of Halpora Kokernag 

2) Shahid Hamid Margay of Larnoo Kokernag 

3) Danish Ayoub Shah of Achabal 

4) Sajjad Ahmad Thokar of Utroosa Achabal 

5)  Aqib Manzoor of Khundru Achabal 

6) Habibullah Malla of Brenti Achabal 

7) Aamir Khan of Batapora Verinag 

8) Safeer Bhat of Sarigam Aishmuqam 

9) Aijaz Thokur of Siligam Aishmuqam 

10) Imtiyaz Mandoo of Nandpora Anantnag 

11) Bilal Shah of Dooru Anantnag 

12) Haseeb Ganai of Khanabal Anantnag 

13) Mushtaq Dar of Ujroo, Dooru Anantnag 

14) Javed Ahmad of Anantnag 

15) Hilal Ahmad of Harnag, Anantnag 

16) Showkat Ahmad of Hassanpora Bijbehara 

17) Jahangir Ganai of Hassanpora Bijbehara 

18) Abdul Majeed Mochi of Arwani Bijbehara 

19) Ishfaq Ahmed of Kokernag 

20) Amir Nazir Latoo of Baba Mohalla, Bijbehara 

21) Manzoor Ahmad Bhat of Doonipawa, Anantnag 

22) Amir Yousuf Ganaie of Larkipora Dooru Anantnag 

23) Shahnawaz Ahmad Khan  of Dadoo Marhama Bijeberha ,

Anantnag (Drowned) 

24 ) Basit Ahmad Ahanger of Vessu Anantnag 

25)Naseer Ahmad Dar of Seer Hamdan Anantnag

District Kulgam 

26) Mashooq Ahmad Rather of Kund Qazigund 

27)Zubair Khanday of Kolepora Qaimoh Kulgam 

28) Yasmina Rehman of Damhal Kulgam 

29) Rashid Kumhar of Damhal, Kulgam 

30) Feroz Mir of Begummilo Kulgam 

31) Mushtaq Ahmed Dar of Hawoora Mishpora Kulgam 

32) Irfan Maqsood Dar of Bugund Kulgam 

33) Khursheed Mir of Harwat Kulgam 

34) Javaid Ahmad Lone of Khudwani Kulgam 

35) Syeda Bano of Cheirut Qazigund 

36) Showkat Ahmad  Ittu of Cheirut Qazigund 

37) Nelufar Akhtar of Chowgam Qazigund

District Shopian 

38) Muzaffar Hussain Bhat of Kigam Shopian 

39) Aazad Thokar of Pudsoo Shopian 

40) Jahgangir Pandit of Trenz Shopian 

41) Muneer Pandit of Trenz Shopian 

42) Shahid Gulzar of Zainapora Shopian 

43) Bilal Shan of Zawoora Shopian 

44)Sayar Ahmad Kumhar of Chitragam, Shopian 

45) Asif Gulzar Bhat of Chitragam, Kalan, Shopian 

46)Amir Bashir Lone of Sedow Shopian

District Pulwama

47) Altaf Rather of Rajpora Pulwama 

48) Irfan Malik of Warwan Pulwama 

49) Fayaz Waza of Nikloora Pulwama 

50) Zahoor Ahmad Mantoo of Kakapora Pulwama (Drowned) 

51) Mushtaq Ahmad Bhat of Awantipur 

52) Farooq Ahmed Kuchay of Lethpiora, Awantipora 

53) Bilal Ahmad Malik of Zadoora Pulwama 

54) Suhail Ahmad Wani of Lethpora Pulwama 

55)Shabir Ahmad Mongu of SharShali Khrew Pulwama 

56) Amir Bashir Mir of Ratnipora Pulwama 

57) Shakeel Ahmad Ganaie of Chandpora Rajpora Pulwama

District Kupwara

58) Showkat Ahmed Malik of Hutmulla Kupwara  

59) Sheikh Zahoor of Warsoo Kupwara 

60) Ghulam Mohi-ud-din Mir of Khumriyal  Kupwara 

61)  Mushtaq Ahmad Ganaie of Khumrial Kupwara

District Srinagar

62) Shabir Mir of Tengpora Bund Srinagar 

63) Hilal Ahmad, Tengpora Srinagar 

64) Sameer Ahmed of Khonmoh, Srinagar 

65) Riyaz Ahmad Shah of Chattabal, Srinagar 

66) Muhammad Yasir Shiekh of Batamaloo Srinagar 

67)Irfan Ahmad of Malik Angan Fateh Kadal Srinagar 

68)Danish Sultan Harooof Palpora Noorbagh Srinagar(Drowned)

District Budgam

69) Mohd Maqbool Wagay of Chadoora, Budgam 

70) Sameer Ahmad Wani of Mullanaroo Khansahab 

71)Javed Ahmad Najar of Aripanthan, Beerwah 

72)Javed Ahmad Sheikh of Aripanthan, Beerwah 

73)Manzoor Ahmad Lone of Aripanthan, Beerwah 

74)Mohammad Ashraf Bhat  of Aripanthan, Beerwah

District Baramulla 

75) Ishfaq Ahmed Dar of Tarzoo, Sopore 

76) Danish Rasool Mir of Wagoora, Baramulla 

77)Ishfaq Ahmad Bhat of Tangmarg Baramulla 

78) Danish Manzoor of Nadihal Rafiabad Baramulla

79) Musaib Ahmad Negoo of Sunwani village of Wadoora Sopore

புதிய ஈழப் புரட்சியாளர்கள்