Remembering LTTE ‘martyr’ Thileepan on his 36th death anniversary

 

The 26th of September has become an important day in Sri Lanka ever since the then Prime Minister Solomon West Ridgeway Dias Bandaranaike (SWRDB) was assassinated in 1959. Bandaranaike who was shot by Talduwa Somarama Thera on 25 September, succumbed to his injuries the following day. September 26th however is of particular significance to a substantial number of Sri Lankan Tamils also. For it was on this day in 1987 that a senior member of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) Thileepan died in Nallu after undertaking a fast unto death.

Although the Tigers have lost thousands of cadres during the many years it waged war against the Sri Lankan State, the death of Thileepan was entirely different from the deaths of other LTTE fighters. Thileepan’s demise was not due to direct violence but due to non-violent direct action. He engaged in a fast unto death protest on 15 September 1987 and died after 12 days of fasting without even drinking water. This was after the Indo-Lanka accord of 29 July 1987. The Indian army referred to as the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) was stationed in Jaffna then.

Thileepan’s fast and death has been etched into the collective memory of Tamils over the years. His death is commemorated on a wide scale every year. The period between 15 September and 26 September is marked with acts of memorialisation in many parts of Northern and Eastern Sri Lanka and also in many countries where there are substantial concentrations of Tamils.

Thileepan’s 36th death anniversary falls next week on 26 September 2023. It is against this backdrop that this column focuses on the LTTE “martyr” Thileepan in this two-part article. The first part will be about Thileepan the person and his role in the LTTE. The second will be on his death – fast and its aftermath.

Thileepan whose name was Rasiah Parthiban was born on 29 November 1964. His father Rasiah “Master” was a respected school teacher. Parthiban was the youngest of four children all boys. He lost his mother while an infant and was brought up by his father. The family hailed from Urelu a village about eight miles from Jaffna town in the Valigamam sector of the Jaffna peninsula.

Though Thileepan’s given name was Parthipan there is a mistaken impression that his real name was Amirthalingam. This is not correct. This mistake however arose due to many LTTE members themselves addressing Thileepan at times as Amirthalingam. Thus he was popularly referred to as Amirthalingam. Why was Thileepan called Amirthalingam?

This was because Thileepan was in charge of the LTTE’s political wing in Jaffna for a long time.  He was the Tiger political commissar for many years. Thus he was jocularly regarded as a “politician” and not a guerrilla by fellow Tigers. Since former Leader of the opposition and Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) Secretary-General Appappillai Amirthalingam was the most important and well-known Tamil political figure at that time, Thileepan was also nicknamed Amirthalingam. It was a name that stuck.

Rasiah Parthipan alias Thileepan was a student at the well-known northern educational institution Jaffna Hindu College. During his school days he was the Jaffna district champion in chess and participated in all-island competitions. He sat for his G.C.E. A/L and obtained very good results that qualified him for admission to the medical faculty in 1983. Rasiah Parthiban did not enter university. Instead he entered the world of armed Tamil militancy by joining the LTTE.

Ravindran alias Pandithar

Initially he was recruited as a helper. Later he began assisting Ravindran alias Pandithar in recruitment. Thileepan did not receive any military training in North or South India. He received arms training locally in Jaffna. In those days former Jaffna LTTE commander Pandithar was in overall charge of both the military and political wings. Sathasivampillai Krishnakumar alias Kittu and Rasiah Parthiban alias Thileepan were placed second-in-command of the military and political wings respectively by Pandithar.

After Pandithar’s death in 1985 Kittu became Jaffna commander. Thileepan was placed in charge of the political section. He was given a comparatively free hand by Kittu. Soon Thileepan became a well-known figure in Jaffna. He interacted well with people and had a flair for public relations.

Promoted as LT. Colonel

LTTE supremo Prabhakaran who returned to Jaffna from India in January 1987 was greatly impressed by Thileepan’s ability and dedication. The LTTE leader promoted Thileepan as Lt. Colonel, a rank reserved only for district commanders in the LTTE hierarchy earlier.

Prabhakaran also appointed Thileepan in charge of all the LTTE political offices in the entire north-east. Thileepan’s headquarters was at Potpathy road in Kokuvil. After the first “Black Tiger” Capt. Miller’s death at Nelliaddi on 5 July 1987, the political headquarters was named “Miller Office”. A few months later, Thileepan himself like Miller was to court death voluntarily in September.

Although Thileepan was in charge of the political wing for a lengthy period of time, he was not a person who avoided actual combat. It was Kittu’s contention that there should not be a strict divide between the fighters and the political activists. Kittu felt that it would result in unwanted jealousies among the cadres and also nurture an unhealthy tradition where the fighter cadre would be “mutts” and political cadres “cowards”. Thus Thileepan actively participated in many military operations and was injured several times.

Once in Anaikottai the army stopped his motorcycle. The unarmed Thileepan lashed out at the soldiers with his bag and ran away. The soldiers fired and injured his arm. While scrambling through a fence, he lost his verti. Thileepan identified himself to an Anaaikottai resident and borrowed a “salvai” (shawl) from him and strapped it around his waist. Even as he was running away the strap on his rubber slipper gave way and he discarded it.

Thileepan got away with an injury on his arm. About a year later Thileepan held a political meeting at Anaikotai. After the meeting was over, an old woman came up to him and gave him a bag. It was the old rubber slipper with the ruptured strap carefully stitched back by the woman who had preserved it for nearly a year. Such was the esteem Thileepan had among the people then.

Thileepan also received wounds on his back in a skirmish outside the Jaffna fort. He was injured a third time in an operation in Thondamanaru. He received serious injuries on his stomach. Later seven inches of his intestines had to be removed.

The Tiger political commissar also had a brush with death when the vehicle he was driving was fired upon by a helicopter. Although the vehicle was riddled extensively Thileepan escaped without a scratch in typical Chuck Norris fashion.

Political chief of Jaffna

During Thileepan’s tenure as political chief of Jaffna he adopted new methods with the consent and concurrence of Kittu. The Jaffna peninsula was sub-divided by Thileepan into 23 political divisions with each division headed by a political commissar. All the political commissars would meet every Sunday at different locations under Thileepan’s Chairmanship. Reviews and reports were presented and all issues would be thrashed out in detail.

Another feature adopted by Thileepan was the introduction of a system whereby the people could convey their complaints to the LTTE through complaint boxes installed in various parts of the peninsula. People with grievances could write them and toss them into the boxes. Even anonymous complaints were entertained.

The people of Jaffna availed themselves of this opportunity and submitted complaints about LTTE cadres too. Disciplinary inquiries were initiated and consequent action was taken against LTTE cadres as a result of these complaints. This was the first time that the LTTE submitted itself to a partial degree of accountability to the people at least.

The LTTE political chief also travelled extensively throughout the peninsula and staged mass meetings and group discussions. He spoke fluent Tamil in a colloquial jargon without rhetorical flourishes. He also had a sense of humour and quickly related to people.

Once at Neervely the residents held a rally in protest against the thefts in the area. They set up road blocks and prevented traffic. All the Tamil militant movements sent their representatives. While all the other groups denied involvement in the robberies, Thileepan won the people over by saying, “I am not going to lie to you because you all know who is responsible.” Neervely became an LTTE bastion after Thileepan’s speech.

enb-poster 24-09-23

LTTE publication “Kalaththil”

Thileepan also edited the LTTE publication “Kalaththil” (in the field). He also started a journal “Suthanthirap Paravaigal” (birds of freedom) for the LTTE women cadres. It was edited by the woman fighters. Thileepan was a powerful and prolific writer. He also played a prominent role in the affairs of the LTTE Radio and Television network in Jaffna.

Trouble shooting was another positive aspect of Thileepan. He was on more than one occasion the LTTE trouble shooter. Thileepan maintained good relations with the other groups. Whenever incidents of frictions arose it was Thileepan’s lot to meet with the other groups and iron out differences. This was in the earlier days when the top movements were near equal in strength. Later when the Tigers became more powerful all differences were resolved through the barrel of a gun.

Thileepan also participated in important political discussions. He was a key member of LTTE delegations led by Kittu participating in talks with different people such as SLMP leader Vijaya Kumaratunga, Yatiyantota UNP Parliamentarian Vincent Perera, Lt. Col. Jayantha Kotelawela and members of the Buddhist clergy.

When LTTE supremo Prabhakaran was taken by helicopter to India for talks with the then Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi prior to the Indo-Lanka accord, Thileepan also accompanied the Tiger leader. Later Prabhakaran and others including Thileepan went by an Indian Air Force plane from Madras to New Delhi.

Thileepan under the guidance of Kittu was also responsible for setting up a political party for the LTTE named People’s Front of Tamil Eelam. This was in 1986. Twisted information passed by LTTE stalwart “Basheer Kaka” along with unfair criticism levelled by Anton Balasingham led Prabhakaran to view the exercise with suspicion. Kittu was ordered to abandon the project and Thileepan was summoned to Madras for questioning.

Thileepan could not go to Madras then as ordered because he fell ill and was later injured in combat. In 1989 the same People’s Front political project planned by Thileepan in 1986 was formally adopted by Prabhakaran after talks with the Government headed by President Ranasinghe Premadasa. The LTTE registered a political party named “People’s Front of Tamil Eelam” (PFLT) with Mahendrarajah alias “Mahathaya” as President and Narendran alias Yogi as Secretary.

“Reverse gear” motor cycle

Despite his remarkable political acumen, Thileepan was incredibly naive in mundane matters. He was the target of many a leg-pull. One story is about how Thileepan was told that another Tiger Ravi’s motorcycle had been equipped with “reverse gear”. Little realising it was a joke, Thileepan had remonstrated with Kittu that his motorcycle too should have the same.

Incidentally Thileepan’s motorcycle was perhaps the worst maintained within the LTTE. Kittu who was a stickler for proper vehicle maintenance tolerated laxity in this regard only from Thileepan.

The Indo-Lanka accord and subsequent events greatly troubled Thileepan. He felt that the Tamils had been betrayed and that it was only a matter of time before the Indian Army cracked down on the Tigers. He felt that the Sri Lankan Tamil people should be made fully aware of the impending doom. Political activity as in the past was not possible because of the pervasive Indian presence and also other Tamil groups. So Thileepan thought of a revolutionary concept.

Non-violent action

Thileepan knew that a violent response to India was to invite disaster as the Tamil people themselves would not be in favour of it. So he decided to adopt a non-violent course of action against India. What happened next will be related in detail in the second part of this article. 

(The writer can be reached at dbsjeyaraj@yahoo.com.)

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Note: Second part of this article (N/A)

President Ranil Wickremesinghe addressed the UN General Assembly

PMD-The Island on 2023/09/22

President Ranil Wickremesinghe addressed the UN General Assembly in New York on Thursday (21)  on the theme “Rebuilding trust and reigniting solidarity” and its relevance to Sri Lanka’s recent challenges.

He mentioned how Sri Lanka faced significant social, economic and political challenges in the past year, including threats to democratic traditions but has managed to achieve a democratic transition.

He highlighted efforts made to stabilize the economy, including economic reforms and foreign assistance and said that his intention is to lead Sri Lanka towards sustainable recovery and growth, benefiting all segments of society and ensuring peace, prosperity and reconciliation.

The President also discusses the global geopolitical landscape, emphasizing the inter-connectedness of various challenges, such as climate change, debt and sustainable development. He stresses the need for international solidarity and climate finance, particularly for smaller, climate-vulnerable and debt-ridden countries.

President Wickremesinghe mentioned Sri Lanka’s commitment to climate action, including renewable energy goals, forest conservation and emissions reduction while expressing concern about the impact of climate change on food security, clean energy and livelihoods, emphasizing the urgency of mobilizing climate finance.

The President called on developed countries to fulfill their commitments, provide assistance and assume their share of responsibility, while underscoring the importance of restructuring the international financial system to address climate change and sustainable development.

Additionally, the President emphasized the need for reform in multilateral institutions like the UN, particularly the expansion of the Security Council’s composition and the importance of disarmament and the impact of global military expenditures.

Overall, the President’s speech highlighted the challenges faced both by Sri Lanka and the world, and  emphasized the importance of solidarity, climate action, disarmament and multilateral cooperation in addressing these issues.

Following is the full speech delivered by President Ranil Wickremesinghe at the 78th session of the United Nations General Assembly;

“Rebuilding trust and reigniting solidarity“ is an appropriate point of departure not only for reflecting on the challenges before the multilateral today, but also for reviewing developments in my own country, Sri Lanka, over the past year.

At this time last year, amidst multiple global crises, Sri Lanka was experiencing its most challenging period in recent times socially, economically and politically, which had a devastating impact on people’s lives.

Even our Democratic traditions were threatened by attempts to occupy our Parliament and bring it to a halt. Nevertheless, we succeeded in bringing about a democratic political transition, due to our deeply entrenched and resilient democratic traditions.

 Resorting to the re-graduation of Sri Lanka’s economy, coupled with the gift of fertilizer from the United States’ Government which led to a bumper harvest, has assisted us in ensuring stability during that period.

The reforms I have since initiated in the economic, financial, institutional and reconciliation fronts have been directed on the one hand towards rebuilding trust and confidence between the people and the government; and on the other, towards laying the foundation for economic stabilization and recovery. Sri Lankans are already witnessing the positive outcomes of these measures in their daily lives and the revival of confidence internally and externally in the progress of the country.

It is my intention to lead the country towards sustainable and stable recovery and growth which will benefit all segments of Sri Lankan society in all parts of the country, ensuring a future of peace, prosperity and reconciliation for the present and future generations of women and men. In reaching this goal, we will be accompanied by the support, trust, and solidarity of our own people and of the international community.

As we turn the corner towards the 80th anniversary of the UN and prepare for the Summit of the Future in 2024, we see the fragmented geopolitical landscape of a multi-polar world where new centers of global power have emerged.

Accompanying this systemic change, are, on one hand, great expectations of development and human progress with millions of people rising out of poverty to prosperity.

On the other hand, we see a world where former big power rivalries and geopolitical tensions have reignited in open war, overlapping with new theaters of conflict and tension on land and in the oceans. Security Alliances have expanded and recent arrangements have been formed to deal with strategic threat perceptions in old and new theaters of conflict. North-South divisions are widening with the digital divide, the financial and debt crisis and the energy transition. Contrary to the promise of 2030, today we are seeing levels of poverty and hunger not witnessed since decades.

Neutral, nonaligned countries of the global South such as Sri Lanka are once again constrained in-between new global power configurations facing those who not respect the sovereignty of our nations.

In numerous recent Declarations in the UN and beyond including at the G20 in Delhi, the BRICS in Praetoria and G7 in Hiroshima, we have agreed that our challenges are interconnected, across borders and all other divides. We must grasp the opportunity to unite in order to build an inclusive future.

It is an appropriate reflection of this current global predicament, that the theme of this year’s general debate is “Rebuilding trust and reigniting global solidarity”.

This year, in parallel with the UNGA, we have participated in three interrelated summits dealing with accelerating the SDGs, Financing for Development and Climate Ambition where we agreed that international solidarity and collective action is needed to address these simultaneously.

Cross-border financial impacts of crises such as climate change and the pandemic are impeding the ability of smaller indebted countries such as mine, to make progress on SDG’s and climate adaptation and mitigation. Conflicts and tensions among big powers are complicating the policy environment for the rest by adding uncertainty to economic and macro-financial stability, disrupting supply chains and causing inflation as well as food and energy insecurity.

Long before the SDGs, Sri Lanka had achieved high human and social development indicators which ranked us in a category well above other middle-income countries. Neither has Sri Lanka shirked its responsibility to the planet. Last year at COP27 we outlined our Climate Ambition Plan. We said that by 2030 we will have 70% renewable energy in electricity generation, increase forest cover by 32% and reduce greenhouse emissions by 14.5%. We will phase out coal by 2040, and reach net zero by 2050.

Our low carbon development trajectory gave us one of the lowest per capita carbon emission rates for a lower MIC country.

This year as a result of exogenous shocks and debt, the incremental progress we were proud to have reached has been reversed. Food inflation reached putting significant pressure on food security amongst vulnerable communities. At the same time children’s education and nutrition have suffered due to the pandemic and the economic crisis.

In parallel, last month in Sri Lanka we were grappling with the driest weather spell seen in recent years followed by torrential rainfalls.

Adverse climate outcomes spilling over onto our tight fiscal space just as we begin to stabilize from last year’s economic crisis. As a climate vulnerable developing country in debt crisis, the urgency to mobilize climate finance is greater today than it was ever before. However, despite promises made to which we were all witness, rich countries are not delivering to expectation.

Developed countries must do their part and fulfill what they agreed – assume their share of the common but differentiated responsibility, provide assistance for mitigation and adaptation and compensation for loss and damage.

National efforts alone will not suffice to ensure the success of the SDGs and reverse climate change. The need for global solidarity to restructure the international financial architecture is paramount. This is articulated loud and clear in multiple global fora including in G20, and the BRICS. The Secretary General’s SDG stimulus highlights the interconnections between the achievements of the SDGs, combatting climate change and the concrete interventions required by creditors sovereign and private, as well as by IFIs including to mitigate the debt crisis.

It is estimate that the 2008 financial crisis has cost the U.S. economy $4 trillion. Recent studies in the U.S. have stated that the impact of the pandemic on the U.S. economy from 2020 to 2024 would reach $14 trillion. These numbers would more than double if the rest of the global economy is added. We have not faced an economic crisis of this magnitude any time before in our modern history. The cost of World War 2 in today’s USD would amount to $4 trillion, and the Marshall Plan would be $ 150 billion.

This is the magnitude of the challenge before us. Therefore if we are unable to restructure the global fiscal order, then certainly we will fail in the struggle to reverse climate change and achieve the SDG goals.

There is still time for course correction as the crisis has not reached its peak. At the same time, the Paris Summit for a New Global Financing Pact will come up with the funding requirements.

Therefore, the Summit of the Future should not be crafting new programs, but re-structuring the present financial architecture to suit the needs of climate change and sustainable development.

This must be the priority of this General Assembly; we cannot afford to allow divisions to drive focus away from this crisis.

While key issues such as the Bridgetown Initiative and the necessity to address the debt of low-income countries are being discussed in this assembly, it is not commanding the attention it deserves. Unfortunately, the Security Council has failed to give priority to these connected issues of climate change, debt relief and sustainable development. This impacts the future of mankind. The survival of the planet must be our priority, we cannot afford to go into this war with a divided high command. The future of all species on the globe is dependent on our ability to put aside our rivalries until this crisis is solved.

Multilateral machinery which reflects the world of the past century needs to be reformed to meet the challenges of the present and the future, a machinery which has failed to find a solution to the longstanding Palestine question. The composition of the Security Council must be expanded to be representative of current global diversity and decision-making. In parallel, the role of the UNGA must be strengthened.

We are asking that the permanent members engage in a credible dialogue which will lead to a unified approach to combat these threats ahead of the next sessions.

While we seek solidarity and financing to alleviate poverty and climate challenges, global military expenditures have risen today to record levels reaching $2.24 trillion. This reflects the strategic trust deficit among the powerful, key arms control frameworks which were instrumental in maintaining system stability in the past have collapsed and nuclear conflict is once again under open discussion, potentially and apocalyptically triggered by autonomous control. We urge restraint in the increase of military expenditure which leads to escalation of conflict.

Developing countries have been the voice of sanity and reason in this regard for decades. In keeping with Sri Lanka’s longstanding position supportive of disarmament of WMD and nuclear weapons, this year Sri Lanka ratified the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty. Yesterday, we acceded to the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.

The war in Ukraine has far-reaching and severe financial and humanitarian repercussions on food, hunger and debt in all parts of the world including Sri Lanka. It is recalled that the UN Charter vests on powerful states in the Security Council the responsibility to maintain international peace and security and to deescalate rather than ignite conflict.

We need to halt the momentum where this and other big power tensions are spilling over into established areas of international rules-based cooperation forged over decades of multilateral negotiation, ranging from international trade to ocean governance.

This international system is today undergoing vast changes. At the same time, it is being confronted with unprecedented challenges. We come to the United Nations to demonstrate solidarity in arriving at common solutions. What is at stake is not the future of the United Nations, but of our planet as a whole. Member States will need to find new ways of working together despite the increasing mistrust that has permeated international relations.

We who have not been able to find a solution to the Palestinian question must now be able at least to find a solution to the questions which threaten the existence of the present global community.

This can be achieved through the willingness of the permanent members to work together in solidarity with the developing world. They must show the way”

President Wickremesinghe also extended his sincere condolences to the victims and families of the natural disasters that hit Morocco and Libya in recent days and pledged solidarity with Moroccan and Libyan friends during this difficult time.

(PMD)

Draft Havana Declaration 2023

 

Draft Havana Declaration on “Current development challengues: The role of science, technology and innovation”

SEP 16 2023 (Embassy of Cuba in Nigeria)

Published in Sep 16, 2023 

1.    We, the Heads of State and Government of the member countries of the Group of 77 and China, meeting in Havana, Cuba, on September 15 and 16, 2023, for the Group's Summit on Current Development Challenges: The Role of Science, Technology and Innovation, convinced of the urgent need to act together, reaffirm our full adherence to the spirit, principles and objectives of the Group of 77 and China.

2.    We also reaffirm the commitment to strengthen the unity and solidarity of the Group in order to achieve its objectives and to reinforce its role in the current international context. We reaffirm full respect for the purposes and principles of the Charter of the United Nations and international law.

3.    We deeply mourn the loss of life and materials caused by the recent natural disasters in Libya and Morocco. We convey our heartfelt condolences to the respective peoples and governments, and to the loved ones of the victims in both nations.

4.    We note with deep concern that the major challenges generated by the current unfair international economic order for developing countries have reached their most acute expression in current times due, inter alia, to the persistent negative effects of the COVID-19 pandemic, even though the Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) for COVID-19 has been lifted by the WHO, geopolitical tensions, unilateral coercive measures, and the current multiple crises, including the economic and financial crises, fragile global economic outlook, increased pressure on food, energy, displacement of people, markets volatility, inflation, monetary tightening, the growing burden of external debt, the increase in extreme poverty, the rising inequalities within and among countries, and the adverse effects of climate change, biodiversity loss, desertification, sand and dust storms and environmental degradation, as well as the digital divides, with no clear roadmap so far to address these global problems.

5.    We also express deep concern at the illness, death, and continued socio-economic disruption and devastation caused by the COVID-19 pandemic which has further exacerbated the stark inequities within and among countries and regions, with a disproportionate impact on developing countries. This has brought urgency to strengthen global solidarity and international cooperation in and support for developing countries to prevent, prepare for, and respond to pandemics and other health emergencies, taking into account lessons learned from the COVID-19 pandemic.

6.    We stress the urgent need for a comprehensive reform of the international financial architecture and a more inclusive and coordinated approach to global financial governance, with greater emphasis on cooperation among countries, including through increasing the representation of developing countries in global decision and policy-making bodies which will contribute to enhance the capacities of developing countries to access and develop science, technology and innovation.

7.     We reiterate the firm belief that all states and stakeholders should devote themselves collectively to the pursuit of global development and “win-win" cooperation for scientific and technological development on the basis of extensive consultations, joint contributions and shared benefits, which can bring huge gains to all countries and all parts of the world in building a community of shared future for humankind.

8.    We reject the imposition of laws and regulations with extraterritorial impact and all other forms of coercive economic measures, including unilateral sanctions against developing countries, and reiterate the urgent need to eliminate them immediately. We emphasize that such actions not only undermine the principles enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations and international law, but also severely impede the advancement of science, technology and innovation and the full achievement of economic and social development, particularly in developing countries. 

9.    Furthermore, we emphasize that unilateral coercive measures have negative and devastating impacts on the realization of human rights including the right to development and the right to food. Those measures also hinder the access of the affected countries to health-care, humanitarian assistance and equipment, and nationally owned assets.

10. We reject technological monopolies and other unfair practices that hinder the technological development of developing countries. States which have monopoly and dominance in the Information and Communication Technologies environment, including Internet, should not use Information and Communication Technologies advances as tools for containment and suppression of the legitimate economic and technological development of other States. We call upon the international community to foster an open, fair, inclusive and non-discriminatory environment for scientific and technological development.

11. We note with concern that at the half-way point of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, the world, particularly the developing countries, are still far off track to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals. We further note that science, technology and innovation have been identified as levers for transformation to accelerate progress in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals, and that its strategic deployment has the potential to resolve and minimize trade-offs among the Goals and targets, and recognizes that technology transfer to developing countries will be critical to scale up and accelerate the implementation of the 2030 Agenda.

12. We stress the important role of science, technology and innovation as pillars, enablers and catalysts to support sustained, inclusive and sustainable growth, accelerating the full implementation of the 2030 Agenda and the Addis Ababa Action Agenda and, in this context, reaffirm the need for political decision-making at all levels to create an enabling international environment for science, technology and innovation development and to take into account, in the first instance, available scientific knowledge and innovation, as well as the use and promotion of traditional, local, afro-descendant and indigenous knowledge and capacities.

13. We reaffirm the 2005 Tunis Agenda for the Information Society in which the special and specific funding needs of the developing world were recognized and encourage close alignment between the World Summit on the Information Society process and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, highlighting the cross-cutting contributions of information and communications technology to the Sustainable Development Goals, in particular the eradication of poverty in all its forms and dimensions, and noting that access to information and communications technologies has also become a development indicator and aspiration in and of itself.

14. We also call for a close correspondence of the World Summit on the Information Society process with the Addis Ababa Action Agenda and other outcomes of relevant intergovernmental processes, including the Global Digital Compact and the Summit of the Future. We agree to work towards a strong and concerted position of the G-77 and China to ensure that the World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS+20) General Review process, the Global Digital Compact and the Summit of the Future contribute to, inter alia, the achievement of sustainable development and closing the digital divide between developed and developing countries.

15. We reiterate that the Tunis Agenda and the Geneva Declaration of Principles and plan of action shall lay down the guiding principles for digital cooperation.

16. We recognize the opportunity offered by science, technology and innovation for the full enjoyment of human rights by all, including the right to development. We call for the advancement of  digital inclusion, as well as  the achievement of gender equality and the empowerment of all women and girls, and to strengthen their full, equal and meaningful access and participation in these fields, including through the participation of women in scientific and technological processes, as a means to closing the gender digital divide, addressing the risks and challenges emerging from the use of technologies and ensuring that the benefits of these technologies are available to all, including women and girls.

17. We agree on the need to invest more in science, technology and innovation and to implement initiatives at all levels for the development of human resources in these fields. We stress the importance to develop strategies aimed at confronting the brain drain of specialized human resources trained in the countries of the South. We agree to continue to promote young people’s interest in scientific studies, including the educational sphere.

18. We reaffirm our commitment to open and equitable scientific collaboration, and recognize the important contributions that open science makes in the development of solutions to address global challenges. In that regard, we encourage actions to foster the uptake of scientific evidence into policymaking processes.

19. We recognize the important contributions which the knowledge produced by research and innovation activities can have in designing better public policies, as well as the need to strengthen collaboration and exchanges between policymakers and scientific and technological communities to that end.  

20. We encourage the promotion of science and innovation-based governance at national and local levels and the inclusion of this perspective in national development strategies, as integral and cross-cutting elements, as appropriate. We also call for the strengthening of science and innovation ecosystems connecting national and local governments, the public and private sectors, academia, research centers and civil society, taking into account national legislation and contexts.

21. We express our willingness to support the expansion of open-science models, at all levels, to ensure citizens’ access to research results and scientific information, in order to make science and knowledge accessible to everyone.

22. We advocate for the development and use of science, technology and innovation ethically and responsibly, and the strengthening and expansion of research and development infrastructures.

23. We recognize that intellectual property rights should contribute to the promotion of technological innovation in a way that favors social and economic welfare taking into account national laws, and call for applying the flexibilities enshrined in relevant international legal obligations in the field of intellectual property rights, where applicable. 

24. We acknowledge the contribution of science to the creation of innovative technologies and solutions to move towards more sustainable production and consumption patterns. In that context, we call for the provision of the necessary means of implementation to developing countries to strengthen their scientific and technological capacities. We further note the need to raise awareness for sustainable development and lifestyles in accordance with the commitments contained in the 2030 Agenda. In this regard, we will endeavor to further promote close linkages and partnerships between policy makers, academia, research centers and the private sector, as appropriate.

25. We further acknowledge the contribution of science, technology and innovation to industrial development in developing countries and as a critical source of economic growth, economic diversification and value addition. 

26. We call for the promotion of new research, the development and transfer of the necessary technologies, and access to the existing ones, including in the areas of food and nutrition, health, water and sanitation, and energy, in order to contribute to the eradication of poverty in all its forms and dimensions, and the achievement of sustained, inclusive and equitable economic growth, human wellbeing and sustainable development.

27. We note the central role of Governments, with the active contribution from stakeholders from the private sector, civil society, academia and research institutions, in creating and supporting an enabling environment at all levels, including enabling regulatory and governance frameworks, in accordance with national priorities, to nurture science, innovation, entrepreneurship and the dissemination of knowledge and technologies, particularly to micro, small and medium-sized enterprises, as well as industrial diversification and value added to commodities.

28. We emphasize the importance of research, and technology development and transfer in the field of human health, taking into account the increase in emerging and re-emerging communicable and non-communicable diseases, including their risk factors.

29. We call upon the international community and relevant bodies of the United Nations system to take urgent action to promote unhindered, timely and equitable access for developing countries to health-related measures, products and technologies necessary to deal with the current and future pandemic prevention preparedness and responses. These include through financing, health systems strengthening, building capacity, ensuring sustainability of supply chains, technology transfer and know-how for local and regional manufacturing and production of medical countermeasures, including medicines, vaccines, therapeutics, diagnostics, health technologies and other health products in developing countries. 

30. We recognize the role of science, technology and innovation in identifying and addressing the challenges posed by climate change, the effects of which disproportionately impact developing countries. We acknowledge that all technological barriers, inter alia, as reported by the IPCC, limit adaptation to climate change and the implementation of the National Determined Contributions (NDCs) of developing countries. We reiterate, in this regard, the need for an effective response to the urgent threat of climate change especially through scaling up the provision of financing, technology transfer and capacity building based on the needs and priorities of developing countries, in accordance with the principles and the objective of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and its Paris Agreement, including equity and common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities, as well as on the basis of the best available science.

31. We recognize that information and communication technologies are a key catalyst and enablers for sustainable development. We reaffirm the vision of building an inclusive, people-centered and development-oriented information society. We call upon the international community and relevant bodies of the United Nations system to take urgent action aimed at reducing digital divides and inequalities in data generation, infrastructure and accessibility within and among countries and regions, as well as between developed and developing countries, with special attention to the poorest and most vulnerable among them. We urge the creation of the necessary conditions to provide developing countries with affordable and reliable connectivity, aimed, inter alia, at promoting digital access and inclusion, including for people in remote and rural communities, as well as to ensure ethical, reliable, and more equitable development, access and use of artificial intelligence.

32. We note with deep concern the existing disparities between developed and developing countries in terms of conditions, possibilities and capacities to produce new scientific and technological knowledge. We call upon the international community, the United Nations System and the International Financial Institutions to support the efforts of the countries of the South to develop and strengthen their national science, technology and innovation systems. We urge developed countries to urgently mobilize means of implementation such as technology transfer, technical assistance, capacity building and financing through new, additional, and predictable resources in relation to the needs of developing countries, including in this area, in accordance with their national needs, policies and priorities. 

33. We recognize that no restrictions should be imposed on developing countries’ access to Information and Communication Technologies’ materials, equipment and technology in order to maintain sustainable development.

34. We further recognize the importance of assisting developing countries to address the challenges and opportunities related to the use of Internet and the e-commerce to develop their international trade capacities, among other things.

35. We support the advancement and implementation of specific and targeted innovation policies aiming at driving sustainable economic growth and the creation of new job opportunities for the current and future generations.

36. We reiterate the crucial role of Official Development Assistance in supporting the development needs of the countries of the South and insist on the urgent need for developed countries to fulfill their historical commitment in this regard.

37.  We stress the importance of strengthening North-South cooperation, including through the fulfillment of Official Development Assistance commitments to support the development needs of the countries of the South.  At the same time, we agree to continue working on the development of science and technology in developing countries by strengthening South-South cooperation, which is necessary to optimize our potential and complement our resources and expertise, while offering viable pathways to address common challenges among developing countries and to, inter alia, accelerate progress in the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals. We encourage discussions on the possibilities of establishing new platforms for South-South cooperation and exchanges on science, technology and innovation.   

38. We further encourage the promotion of triangular cooperation projects and programs to improve developing countries’ access to more and better resources for the implementation of technical and scientific initiatives. We acknowledge that triangular cooperation is aimed at facilitating, supporting and enhancing South-South initiatives, through the provision of, inter-alia, funding, capacity-building, technology transfer as well as other forms of support, at the request of developing countries, in line with the principles of South-South cooperation, and must be led by the countries of the South. 

39. We recognize that an international technology framework including the Global Digital Compact, aligned with the Sustainable Development Goals, should be considered, which should offer preferential access for developing countries to relevant advanced technologies, develop their productive capacities and end discriminatory restrictions, and focus on global research and development on scientific breakthroughs relevant to the Sustainable Development Goals. 

40. We recognize the role of multi-stakeholder partnerships to foster strategic long-term investment in supporting the development of science, technology and innovation in developing countries, including through innovative financing.

41. We reaffirm our decision to resume the work of the Consortium on Science, Technology and Innovation for the South (COSTIS), and urge the members of the Group to evaluate and outline strategies to ensure its effective functioning.

42. We agree that our Ministers or High Authorities on Science, Technology and Innovation meet regularly, as appropriate, to take stock of the role of science, technology and innovation in the development agendas adopted at the United Nations and to strengthen South-South cooperation in this fields.

43. We urge the United Nations Regional Commissions, Agencies, Funds and Programs, in particular UNDP, UNESCO, UNCTAD, UNIDO, ITU and the UN Office for South-South Cooperation, within their respective mandates, to make additional efforts to support developing countries in strengthening institutional frameworks and public policies related to science, technology and innovation. 

44. We agree to request the President of the General Assembly to convene, in the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, a High-Level Event on Science, Technology and Innovation for Development with a special focus on actions to be taken to address the needs of developing countries in these fields. 

45. We reaffirm our commitment to implement the concrete measures contained in this Declaration at the national and international levels.

46. We agree to declare September 16 as the Day of Science, Technology and Innovation in the South. 

47. We express our gratitude to the government of the Republic of Cuba, Chair of the Group of 77 and China, for the organization and development of this Summit. We trust that this meeting will set a guideline for our actions in these times of huge challenges and will allow us to advance toward the realization of our legitimate aspirations for development.

⚫

ரஷ்ய மக்கள் உக்ரைன் அகதிகளுக்கு உதவிக்கரம்

 

2022 டிசம்பர் மாத நிலவரப்படி, ரஷ்யாவில் உக்ரைன் நாட்டு அகதிகள் 10 இலட்சத்திற்கும் மேல் உள்ளனர். 

ஐநா சபை 

thamilan.lk/articles/17 September 2023 | Saranyaa Sri

உக்ரைன் - ரஷ்யா போர் ஒரு ஆண்டை கடந்தும் தொடர்ந்து நீடித்து வருகிறது.

இதனிடையே, போருக்கு மத்தியிலும் ரஷ்ய அரசுக்கு தெரியாமல், உக்ரைன் அகதிகளுக்கு ரஷ்யாவை சேர்ந்த பலர் மனிதாபிமான உதவிகளை செய்து வருகின்றனர். 

இராணுவ தாக்குதல் காரணமாக ரஷ்யாவிற்கோ அல்லது ரஷ்யாவின் கட்டுப்பாட்டில் உள்ள உக்ரைனின் பிராந்தியங்களுக்கோ, உக்ரைனின் பிற பகுதிகளிலிருந்து மக்கள் அகதிகளாக வருகின்றனர்.

தங்களது வீடு, உடைமைகள் மற்றும் செல்வம் அனைத்தையும் இழந்து அகதிகளாக எதிர்காலம் குறித்த அச்சத்துடன் வந்திறங்கும் உக்ரைனியர்களுக்கு ரஷ்ய மக்கள் உதவி செய்து வருகின்றனர். 

2022 டிசம்பர் மாத நிலவரப்படி, ரஷ்யாவில் உக்ரைன் நாட்டு அகதிகள் 10 இலட்சத்திற்கும் மேல் உள்ளனர் என ஐநா சபை தெரிவித்திருந்தது குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.

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(Only the headline and picture of this report may have been reworked by the ENB staff; the rest of the content is, as mentioned sources) 

Rajiv Gandhi assassination: Steps taken for deportation of Lankan convicts

 

In her petition, Nalini said when she was arrested she was pregnant, and her daughter was born on December 19, 1992 while she was detained in the Chengalpattu sub-jail

Press Trust of India Chennai Sep 15 2023

The Centre has informed the Madras High Court that it has taken steps to deport all the four Sri Lankans, convicted in the Rajiv Gandhi assassination case, to Sri Lanka.

Foreigners Regional Registration Officer P Ve Arunshakthikumar, Bureau of Immigration, Ministry of Home Affairs stated this in his counter affidavit filed on Thursday, in response to a petition filed by S Nalini, one of the seven convicts ordered to be released by the Supreme Court last year.

She had sought a direction to the authorities to release her husband Sriharan alias Murugan from the Special Camp (Foreigners Detention Centre), Tiruchirapally, to enable him to live with her in the city.

In her petition, Nalini said when she was arrested she was pregnant, and her daughter was born on December 19, 1992 while she was detained in the Chengalpattu sub-jail.

Her daughter was now married and living with her husband and child in London. Nalini submitted her daughter is a citizen of the United Kingdom and that Murugan would like to settle with her there.

Moreover, he has to contact the Sri Lankan Embassy in connection with his passport. Since he was detained in the Special Camp, he was unable to move out.

She made a representation dated May 20, 2023 to the Foreigners Regional Registration Officer here, requesting that her husband be released from the Special Camp to enable him to live with her in Chennai.

However, there was no response from the authorities, she added.

In his counter, the officer said since all the four Sri Lankan nationals arrived India illegally by boat and do not possess valid Sri Lankan travel documents/passport and as per the extant guidelines of MHA circular, dated April 24, 2014, a movement restriction order was issued FRRO, Chennai, against them to lodge them in the Trichy special camp till their deportation to their native country (Sri Lanka).

He further stated that meanwhile in this regard, a communication had been sent to MEA (Consular Division) by a letter dated November 12, 2022 along with Biographic details requesting for issuance of travel documents/passports in favour of all the four Sri Lankans from Sri Lankan High Commission, India for further deportation to their native country.

In May, a representation was received from Nalini requesting this office to release her husband from the foreigners detention camps so that they can live together. Since the communication from MEA was awaited, her representation was kept pending at our end, he added.

Besides Murugan, the other Lankans convicted in Gandhi's assassination are--Santhan, Robert Payas and Jayakumar. They were all ordered to be released last year by the Supreme Court.

Three others-- Perarivalan, Nalini and Ravichandran-- all Indians, were also released following apex Court orders.

Gandhi was assassinated by a woman suicide bomber of the banned LTTE in 1991 at nearby Sriperumbudur.

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(Only the headline and picture of this report may have been reworked by the ENB staff; the rest of the content is, as mentioned sources) 

IMF-Govt. begin first review of $ 3 b Extended Fund Facility program

FT Friday, 15 September 2023

State Minister of Finance Minister Semasinghe reiterates Govt.’s commitment to economic sustainability in inaugural IMF review 

State Minister of Finance Shehan Semasinghe reaffirmed the Government’s unwavering dedication to establishing a sustainable economy at the inaugural meeting of the International Monetary Fund’s (IMF) first review of the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) program at the Presidential Secretariat yesterday.

“We are collaborating closely with the IMF team throughout this process to overcome the challenges ahead of us,” he said via ‘X’ yesterday.

The State Minister also underscored the importance of fostering strong ties with all multilateral institutions, development partners and friendly nations to achieve the country’s economic goals. 

Semasinghe expressed gratitude to the IMF team for their steadfast support in Sri Lanka’s pursuit of economic stability.

“We wish to thank the IMF team for the support extended to Sri Lanka,” he added.

The delegation from the IMF will be in Sri Lanka until 27 September as part of the review.

Apart from Semasinghe other representing the Sri Lankan Government in this deliberation were President’s Senior Adviser on National Security and Chief of Staff Sagala Ratnayaka, President’s Secretary Saman Ekanayake, Advisor to the President on Economic Affairs Dr. R.H.S. Samaratunga, Finance Ministry Secretary Mahinda Siriwardena and Central Bank Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe.

________________________________________________________________

⍟Given the weak external environment and domestic policy tightening, aimed at restoring macroeconomic stability, the economy is expected to contract by 3% in 2023, before registering a modest growth of 1.5% in 2024. Prospects hinge quite critically on the implementation of the economic reform program.

• weak external environment
• domestic policy tightening 
• restoring macroeconomic stability
• Prospects hinge quite critical

________________________________________________________________

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) delegation comprises Senior Mission Chief Peter Breuer, Deputy Mission Chief Katya  Svirydzenka, Mike Li, Sophia Zhang, Dmitriy Rozhkov, Noda Selim, Sandesh Dhungana, Nui Miao, Mark Adams (virtual), Joei Turkewitz, and Nuong Lan Vu.

The final discussion of the review will be held on 26 September under the patronage of President Ranil Wickremesinghe who is currently overseas on an official visit to Cuba and the US,.

In March this year, the IMF Executive Board approved a 48-month Extended Fund Facility of about $ 3 billion aimed to restore Sri Lanka’s macroeconomic stability and debt sustainability, mitigate the economic impact on the poor and vulnerable, safeguard financial sector stability, and strengthen governance and growth potential. 

This marked an important step towards the resolution of the crisis. Sri Lanka immediately received an initial disbursement of about $ 330 million from the EFF arrangement, which is expected to catalyse new external financials including from the Asian Development Bank and the World Bank. 

Given the weak external environment and domestic policy tightening, aimed at restoring macroeconomic stability, the economy is expected to contract by 3% in 2023, before registering a modest growth of 1.5% in 2024. Prospects hinge quite critically on the implementation of the economic reform program.

The review process is anticipated to be a pivotal milestone in Sri Lanka’s economic journey, reflecting the nation’s determination to implement reforms that will lead to a robust and sustainable financial landscape.

As Sri Lanka continues to forge ahead with its economic revitalisation efforts, the collaboration with the IMF and other international partners is expected to play a crucial role in shaping the country’s economic trajectory. 

அப்பு பாலன் தியாகிகள் நினைவு - 2023

 தியாகிகளின் நினைவை நெஞ்சிலேந்துவோம்!

பாசிச பாஜக ஆட்சியை தகர்த்தெறிய, அமெரிக்காவின் புதிய காலனிய ஆட்சிக்கும் அம்பானி-அதானி உள்ளிட்ட கார்ப்பரேட் கும்பல்களுக்கும் சமாதி கட்ட தியாகிகளின் வழியை உயர்த்திப் பிடிப்போம்.

நாட்டின் மீதான ஏகாதிபத்திய ஆதிக்கத்தை தகர்த்தெறியவும், தரகுமுதலாளித்துவ, நிலப்பிரபுத்துவ கொடுங்கோன்மைக்கு முடிவுகட்டவும், சாதி, தீண்டாமை கொடுமைகளுக்கு சமாதி கட்டவும், அரைக்காலனிய அரை நிலப்பிரபுத்துவ இந்தியாவை ஒரு புதிய ஜனநாயக இந்தியாவாக மாற்றியமைக்கும் புரட்சிகர போராட்டத்தில் முன்னணியாக செயல்பட்டார் புரட்சித் தோழர் பாலன். 1980 ஆம் ஆண்டு எம்.ஜி.ஆர் ஆட்சியில் கயவாளி தேவாரத்தால் செப்டம்பர் 12ல் தோழர் பாலன் அடித்துப் கொல்லப்பட்ட நாளை, நாட்டின் விடுதலைக்காகவும், ஜனநாயகத்திற்காகவும் போராடி உயிர் நீத்த அனைத்து தியாகிகளின் நினைவையும் லட்சியத்தையும் உயர்த்திப் பிடிக்கும் நாளாகவும், ஆளும் வர்க்கங்களுக்கு சவக்குழிவெட்ட சபதமேற்கும் நாளாகவும் ஒவ்வொரு ஆண்டும் தியாகிகள் தினத்தை கடைபிடித்து வருகிறோம்.

ஏகாதிபத்தியத்தை எதிர்த்த தியாகிகளின் வீரம் செறிந்த போராட்டம் என்பது இன்றோ நேற்றோ துவங்கிய போராட்டமல்ல, அவை 300 ஆண்டுகளின் தொடர்ச்சி ஆகும். 1947க்கு முன்பு பிரிட்டன் ஏகாதிபத்தியத்தை எதிர்த்து சுதந்திரத்திற்காக நெஞ்சுரத்தோடு போராடிய கட்டப்பொம்மன், முதல் மருது சகோதரர்கள் புலித்தேவன், திப்பு சுல்தான், தீரன் சின்னமலை, குதிராம் போஸ், வ.உ.சி., சுப்பிரமணிய சிவா, பாரதியார் வரை எண்ணிலடங்கா தியாகிகளின் லட்சியங்களும், கனவுகளும் இன்னும் முற்றுப்பெறவில்லை. அது வாழையடி வாழையாக இன்றும் தொடர்கின்றது. இந்தியாவில் சோசலிசத்திற்காகவும் ஜனநாயகத்திற்காகவும் தூக்கு கயிற்றுக்கு முத்தமிட்ட பகத்சிங், ராஜகுரு, சுகதேவ் தொடங்கி மார்க்சிய-லெனினிய திட்ட வகைப்பட்ட கட்சியை கட்டியமைத்து இந்திய புரட்சிக்கு வழிகாட்டிய ஏ.எம்.கே முதல் அப்பு-பாலன் வரை அனைவரும் இந்திய புரட்சியின் தியாகிகள் ஆவர்.

ஏகாதிபத்திய எதிர்ப்பு போராட்டங்கள் 1947க்கு முன்பும் சரி, 1947க்கு பின்பும் சரி இன்றும் தொடர்கின்றன, அன்று வெள்ளை ஏகாதிபத்தியத்தின் கொடுங்கோன்மை நிறைந்த நேரடி அடிமை ஆட்சி, இன்று அமெரிக்காவின் புதிய காலனிய ஆதிக்க சுரண்டலுக்கும், அதன் உலக மேலாதிக்கத்திற்கும் சேவை செய்யும் போலி பாராளுமன்றம் போலி சுதந்திரத்தைக் கொண்ட அம்பானி, அதானி உள்ளிட்ட கார்ப்பரேட்டுகளுக்கு வென்சாமரம் வீசும் அடிமையாட்சி தொடர்கின்றது.

அப்பு பாலன் திடல் நோக்கி கழக மக்கள் ஊர்வலம்

மேலும் ஏகாதிபத்தியங்களுக்கு இடையேயான நாடு பிடிக்கும் போட்டியும், ஒடுக்கப்பட்ட நாடுகளின் மலிவான மனித உழைப்பையும், சந்தைகளையும், இயற்கை வளங்களை கொள்ளையடிப்பதில் போட்டியும் முராண்பாடுகளும் தீவிரம் பெற்று வருகின்றன. மேலும் ஏகாதிபத்தியங்களின் உயிரம்சங்களான சந்தைகளை கைப்பற்றுவது, மூலப் பொருட்களைக் கைப்பற்றுவது, மூலதனமிடுவது போன்ற கூர்மையான முரண்பாடுகளால் அமெரிக்கா-நேட்டோ முகாமிற்கும், ரஷ்ய-சீனா முகாமிற்கும் இடையில் நடக்கும் உலக மறுபங்கீட்டிற்கான பனிப்போர் ஆழப்பட்டு வருகிறது.

குறிப்பாக அமெரிக்கா-சீன ஏகாதிபத்திய முகாம்களுக்கு இடையில் உலக மறுபங்கீட்டிற்கான பனிப்போர் ஆசிய-பசிபிக் பிராந்தியத்தில் தென் சீனக் கடலை மையப்படுத்தி இவ்விரு முகாம்களும் யுத்த தயாரிப்புகளில் ஈடுபட்டு வருகின்றன. மறுபுறம் உக்ரைனில் அமெரிக்கா-நேட்டோ, ரஷ்ய முகாம்களுக்கு இடையில் பனிப்போர் ஆழப்பட்டு உயிர் சேதத்தையும். பொருள் சேதத்தையும் ஏற்படுத்தி வருகின்றன. ஜப்பானின் தலை நகரில் நேட்டோ அலுவலகம் அமைப்பது, உக்ரைனுக்கு ஆயுதம் வழங்குவது, நேட்டோவிற்கு ஜி.டி.பி-யில் 2% நிதி ஒதுக்குவது, ஐ.டி.பி.பி. (ITPP) திட்டம் மூலம் பசிபிக் பிராந்தியத்திலும் நேட்டோவை விரிவாக்கம் செய்து வருகிறது

இவ்வாறு ஏகாதிபத்திய நாடுகள் தமது செல்வாக்கு மண்டலங்களுக்கான போட்டிகள் மற்றும் யுத்த தயாரிப்புகளால் ஏற்படும் பொருளாதார நெருக்கடிகளின் சுமைகளை உலகம் முழுவதும் தொழிலாளர்கள் மீதும் ஒடுக்கப்பட்ட தேசங்கள் மீதும் மூர்க்த்தனமாக சுமத்தி வருகின்றன. ஏற்கனவே 2008-ல் அமெரிக்காவில் வெடித்து கிளம்பிய உலக முதலாளித்துவப் பொருளாதார மிகை உற்பத்தி நெருக்கடி 1930, 70 களில் ஏற்பட்ட நெருக்கடிகளை பன்மடங்கு அதிகரித்து உலகம் தழுவிய நெருக்கடியாக மாறி வருகிறது.

அப்பு பாலன் திடலில் மாலை அணிவிப்பும் பொதுக்கூட்டமும்

இந்த நெருக்கடிகளின் தொடர்ச்சியாக தொழில்துறை வீழ்ச்சி, உற்பத்திதுறை வீழ்ச்சி, விவசாய நெருக்கடி, வரலாறு காணாத ரூபாய் வீழ்ச்சி, கச்சா எண்ணெய் விலை சரிவு, வேலையின்மை அதிகரிப்பு, வாங்கும் சக்தியின்மை அதிகரிப்பு, ஆலை மூடல், ஆட்குறைப்பு என உலக முதலாளித்துவ பொருளாதாரம் புதை சேற்றில் சிக்கி மரணப்படுக்கையில் இருக்கிறது. உலக அளவில் வேலையின்மை 5.8% சதவிகிதமாக இருக்கும் போது இந்தியாவில் மட்டும் அது 7.95% சதவிகிதமாக  அதிகரித்துள்ளது. மனித வள மேம்பாட்டில் 132 இடத்திற்கு தள்ளப்பட்டுள்ளது. 

மேலும் இந்த நெருக்கடியின் சுமைகளை உழைக்கும் வர்க்கங்கள் மீது சுமத்தப்படுவதை எதிர்த்து உலகம் முழுவதிலும் உள்ள பாட்டாளி வர்க்கம் கடும் போராட்டங்களில் ஈடுபட்டு வருகிறது. இப்போராட்டங்களை ஒடுக்குவதற்கும் அடக்குவதற்கும் உலகம் முழுவதும் பாசிச போக்குகள் தீவிரப்பட்டு வருகின்றன. அமெரிக்காவில் இறுகிவரும் ஏகபோக நிதி மூலதன பாசிசத்திற்கு மோடி கும்பலின் இந்துத்துவ பாசிசம் சேவகம் செய்வதோடு அல்லாமல் அமெரிக்க ஏகாதிபத்திய நிதி மூலதன நெருக்கடி சுமைகளை இந்திய உழைக்கும் வர்க்கங்கள் மீது மூர்க்கத்தனமாக திணித்து வருகிறது இதை எதிர்த்துப் போராடும் உழைக்கும் வர்க்கங்கள் மீது புதிய காலனிய நலன்களிலிருந்தும் ராமராஜ்ஜிய கனவிலிருந்தும் இந்துத்துவ பாசிசத்தை தீவிரப்படுத்தி வருகிறது.

கடந்த 75 ஆண்டுகளுக்கு மேலாக கோடான கோடி உழைக்கும் வர்க்கத்தின் உழைப்பால், வியர்வையால் இரத்தத்தால் உருவாக்கப்பட்ட அனைத்து வளங்களையும் சொத்துக்களையும், புதிய காலனிய தாசன் மன்மோகன் சிங்கையே மிஞ்சி நாட்டை அமெரிக்க ஏகாதிபத்தியத்தின் அடிமை நாடாக மாற்றுவதிலும், விவசாயம், தொழிற்துறை, உற்பத்தி துறை, உள்கட்டமைப்பு, இராணுவம், ரயில்வே, விமானம், விஞ்ஞானம், எல்.ஜ.சி. கல்வி, மருத்துவம், சுகாதாரம், கனிம வளங்கள், இயற்கை வளங்கள் அனைத்தையும் ஏகாதிபத்திய நிதிமூலதன ஆதிக்கத்திற்கு திறந்துவிட தடையாக உள்ள அனைத்து சட்டங்களையும் நீக்கி ஏகாதிபத்தியவாதிகளின் காலை நக்கிப் பிழைப்பதில் தாசனுக்குத் தாசனாக இந்துத்துவப் பாசிச மோடி கும்பல் செயல்படுகிறது.

2014 நாடாளுமன்ற  தேர்தலில் நாங்கள் ஆட்சிக்கு வந்தால், ஊழலை ஒழிப்போம், விலைவாசியை குறைப்போம், சாமானிய மக்களின் அடிப்படை வாழ்வாதாரத்தை உயர்த்துவோம், வேலையில்லாத் திண்டாட்டத்தை ஒழித்து ஆண்டுக்கு இரண்டு கோடி பேருக்கு வேலை தருவோம், கருப்புப் பணத்தை ஒழித்து ஒவ்வொரு இந்திய குடிமகனுக்கும் 15 லட்சம் ரூபாய் வங்கியில் போடுவோம், பெட்ரோல், டீசல் விலையை குறைப்போம், விவசாயிகளின் வாழ்வாதாரத்தை இரட்டிப்பாக்குவோம், நாட்டையே ஒரு சொர்க்கபுரியாக மாற்றுவோம், சுயசார்பு பொருளாதாரத்தை பெருக்குவோம், என வாக்குறுதி அளித்து ஆட்சிக்கு வந்த பாசிச மோடி கும்பல் எந்த வாக்குறுதியையும் நிறைவேற்றாமல் அம்பானி, அதானிகளுக்கான இந்தியாவையும், அமெரிக்காவின் புதிய காலனிய ஆதிக்கத்திற்கு சேவை செய்யும் இந்தியாவையும், சிறுபான்மை மக்களையும், தாழ்த்தப்பட்ட, பழங்குடி மக்களையும் வேட்டையாடும், ரத்தம் குடிக்கும் ராமராஜ்ஜிய இந்தியாவை உருவாக்கி வருகிறது.

பாசிச மோடி கும்பலின் வளர்ச்சி என்பது அம்பானி, அதானி போன்ற தரகு பெரும் முதலாளிகளுக்கும், கார்ப்பரேட் நிறுவனங்களுக்கும், அமெரிக்காவின் புதிய காலனிய சுரண்டல் முறைக்கும் நாட்டின் சொத்துக்களை திறந்துவிடுவதையே சுயசார்பு, வளர்ச்சி என்று பேசுகிறது. மேலும் மோடி கும்பலின் 9 ஆண்டுகால வளர்ச்சி என்பது பச்சிளம் குழந்தைகளை கற்பழிப்பது, கர்ப்பிணி தாய்மார்களை கற்பழிப்பது, கூட்டு பாலியல் வன்புணர்வு செய்வது, பாரத் மாத்தாக்கி ஜே என்று பஜனை பாடி கொண்டே பெண்களை நிர்வாணப்படுத்தி கற்பழிப்பது, கர்ப்பிணி பெண்ணை வயிற்றை கிழித்து உள்ளிருக்கும் சிசுவை சூலத்தில் குத்தி படுகொலை செய்வது, பள்ளிவாசலை இடிப்பது தேவாலயங்களை இடிப்பது, சிறுபான்மை மக்களை இரண்டாந்தர குடிமக்களாக மாற்றி அவர்களது உடைமைகளையும், வீடுகளையும் புல்டோசர் மூலம் இடித்து தரைமட்டமாக்குவது. ராமருக்கு கோவில் கட்டுவது, இந்தியை திணிப்பது, சமஸ்கிருதத்தை திணிப்பது, சாகா பயிற்சி பள்ளிகளை நடத்தி அரம்பை தெங்கால், மெய்தி லீபன், பசுபாதுகாப்பு படை, லவ்ஜிகாத் படை, போன்ற இந்து மதவாத பயங்கரவாத குழுக்களை உருவாக்குவது, குஜராத் மாடல், மணிப்பூர் மாடல், ஹரியானயா மாடல் கலவரங்களை நாடு முழுவதும் கட்டியமைத்து மதக்கலவரங்களையும், இனக்கலவரங்களையும், சாதிக் கலவரங்களையும் உருவாக்கி நாட்டின் பன்முகத்தன்மையை ஒழித்து இரத்த வெள்ளத்தில் மூழ்கடிப்பதுதான் மோடி கும்பலின் உண்மையான வளர்ச்சியாகும் இதை மூடிமறைக்கத்தான் தினந்தோறும் ஒரு புதிய இந்தியா பிறப்பதாக கோயாபல்ஸ் வேலையை மோடி கும்பல்கள் செய்துவருகிறது.

மேலும் கடந்த 9 ஆண்டுகளாக மோடி கூறிய டிஜிட்டல் இந்தியா, ஸ்கில் இந்தியா, மேக் இன் இந்தியா, மேட் இன் இந்தியா, கிளீன் இந்தியா, தற்சார்பு இந்தியா, வளர்ச்சி இந்தியா, வல்லரசு இந்தியா உள்ளிட்ட எல்லா இந்தியாவும் மக்கள் முன் அம்பலப்பட்டு மாண்டு போயின. தற்போது இவைகளை மூடி மறைக்க ஏழை மகன் நாடகத்தையும் தேசபக்தி வேடத்தையும் முகமூடியாக அணிந்து வருகிறது பாசிச மோடி கும்பல்.இவ்வாறு பாசிச மோடி கும்பல் ஆட்சியில் தேச விரோத - மக்கள் விரோத பாசிச கொள்கைகளால் வேலையின்மை – வறுமை - விலைவாசி உயர்வு – விவசாயிகள் தற்கொலை போன்றவை அதிகரித்துள்ளது. ரபேல் ஊழல், 5ஜி அலைக்கற்றை ஊழல்களைத் தொடர்ந்து பாரத் மாலா ஊழல், துவாரகா நெடுஞ்சாலை ஊழல், அயோத்தியா மேம்பாடு திட்ட ஊழல், சுங்கச்சாவடி ஊழல், ஆயுஷ்மான் பாரத் திட்ட ஊழல், கிராமப்புற மேம்பாட்டு திட்ட ஊழல்  மூலம் கடந்த ஓராண்டில் மட்டும் சுமார் 7.5லட்சம் கோடி ஊழலில் ஈடுபட்டுள்ளது என ஊழலை ஒழிக்க வந்த உத்தமர் ஆட்சியில் ஊழல் தலைவிரித்து ஆடுவதை சிஏஜி அறிக்கை அம்பலப்படுத்தியுள்ளது. மேலும் கார்ப்பரேட் கும்பல்களுக்கு - அதானி அம்பானிகளுக்கு வரிச்சலுகை வழங்கவும், ரூ.14 லட்சம் கோடி வாராக்கடன்களை தள்ளுபடி செய்ததற்காகவும் இந்த 9 ஆண்டுகளில் மட்டும் கூடுதலாக ரூ.100 லட்சம் கோடி அந்நிய கடன் சுமையை மக்கள் தலையில் ஏற்றியுள்ளது பாஜக ஆட்சி. கருப்பு பணத்தை மீட்க வந்த தேவத்தூதர் தற்போது கருப்பு பண கொள்ளையர்களையும் அதானி போன்ற ஊழல்வாதிகளையும் காக்கும் அனுமாராக மாறிவிட்டது மோடி கும்பல்.நாட்டின் நெருக்கடிக்கும் அழிவுக்கும் காரணமான தாராளமய கொள்கைகளை எதிர்த்தும், நாட்டை அமெரிக்காவின் புதிய காலனியாக மாற்றும் அரசியல் பொருளாதார ராணுவக் கொள்கைகளை எதிர்த்தும் புரட்சிகர ஜனநாயக சக்திகள் போராடி வருகிறார்கள். அவர்களை ஒடுக்கவும், நாட்டின் வளங்களை சூறையாடுவதற்கு ஏற்பவும் காலனிய காலத்து சட்டங்களை மாற்றுவதாக கூறி அதை விட கொடூரமான (வனப் பாதுகாப்பு சட்டம், பல்லுயிர் பெருக்க சட்டம், சுற்றுசூழல் பாதிப்பு மதிப்பீடு சட்டம், குற்றவியல் நடைமுறை சட்டம், நியாய சன்கிதா மசோதா போன்ற) பல்வேறு பாசிச கருப்பு சட்டங்களை  அவசர சட்டங்களாக கொல்லைப்புறமாக கொண்டு வந்து ஏகாதிபத்தியங்களுக்கு பாத பூஜை செய்கிறது மோடி கும்பல்.

வருகின்ற 2024 பாராளுமன்ற தேர்தலில் மீண்டும் அதிகாரத்தை கைப்பற்றவும், பாசிசப் போக்குகளை தீவிரப்படுத்தவும், நாட்டை ராணுவமயமாக்கவும், ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ் உதயமான (1925-2025) 100வது ஆண்டில் ராம ராஜ்ஜியத்தையும் அமெரிக்க மாமன் ராஜ்ஜியத்தையும் கட்டியமைக்கும் நோக்கில் அசுர வேகத்தில் செயல்பட்டு வருகிறது. மேலும் ராணுவம், காவல்துறை, நீதித்துறை, கல்வித்துறை, ஊடகத்துறை, தொல்லியல்துறை, விஞ்ஞானத்துறை உள்ளிட்ட அனைத்து கட்டமைப்புகளிலும் ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ் மயமாக்கி வருகிறது.

எனவே வருகின்ற பாராளுமன்றத் தேர்தலில் எதைச் சொல்லியும் வாக்கு கேட்க முடியாத பாஜக ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ்., விஸ்வ ஹிந்து பரிஷத் உள்ளிட்ட காவி பயங்கரவாத கூட்டம் மதத்தின் பெயரிலும், இனத்தின் பெயரிலும், சாதியின் பெயரிலும் கலவரத்தைத் தூண்டி குளிர் காய தயாராகி விட்டார்கள். 

இவர்களின் தேச பக்தி என்பது ராமன் பக்தியும் அனுமார் பக்தியுமே ஆகும். வெள்ளைக்காரன் காலை நக்கிப் பிழைத்த அடிமை சாவக்கரின் வாரிசுகளின் அனுமார் வாலை அறுத்தெறியாமல், இருக்கும் அரைகுறை ஜனநாயகத்தைக் கூட பெற முடியாது.

ஒரே நாடு, ஒரே மொழி, ஒரே கலாச்சாரம், ஒரே சட்டம், ஒரே வரி, ஒற்றை கட்சி ஆட்சிக்கு திட்டமிடும் பாசிச பயங்கரவாத கூட்டத்திற்கு பாடை கட்ட - மதக்கலவரத்தை தூண்டும் பாசிச பாஜக ஆட்சியை தகர்த்தெறிய, அமெரிக்காவின் புதிய காலனிய ஆட்சிக்கும் அம்பானி-அதானி உள்ளிட்ட கார்ப்பரேட் கும்பல்களுக்கும் சமாதி கட்ட தியாகிகளின் வழியை உயர்த்திப் பிடிப்போம்! 

அந்த லட்சிய தீபத்தில் பாசிச கும்பலை கருவறுக்க புரட்சித் தீயை மூட்டுவோம்; புதிய ஜனநாயக அரசமைக்க புரட்சிகர ஜனநாயக சக்திகள் ஒன்றுபடுவோம், போராடுவோம்.

* நாடெங்கும் மணிப்பூர், ஹரியானா மாடல் கலவரங்களை கட்டியமைத்து ஆட்சியை பிடிக்க முயலும் ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ் - பாஜகவின் சதிகளை முறியடிப்போம்!

* ஜப்பான் ஏகாதிபத்தியம் மற்றும் அம்பானி-அதானியின் வேட்டைக்காடாக வடகிழக்கு மாநிலங்களை மாற்றும் பாஜக ஆட்சிக்கு சவக்குழி வெட்டுவோம்!

* கார்ப்பரேட் நலன்களுக்கான வனப் பாதுகாப்பு மற்றும் பல்லுயிர் பெருக்க பாதுகாப்பு சட்டங்களை எதிர்ப்போம்!

* புதிய காலனிய நலன்களுக்கான இந்திய சாட்சியச் சட்ட திருத்தம், தண்டனை மற்றும் குற்றவியல் சட்ட திருத்தங்களை எதிர்ப்போம்!

* டெல்லி யூனியன் பிரதேச சட்டத்தை எதிர்ப்போம்! மாநில உரிமைகளுக்காகப் போராடுவோம்!

* வறுமை, வேலைவாய்ப்பின்மை, விலைவாசி உயர்வு உள்ளிட்ட பொருளாதார நெருக்கடிகளை தீர்க்க  வக்கற்ற மோடி ஆட்சி ஒழிக!

தி.மு.க அரசே!

* நாங்குநேரி சின்னதுரை குடும்பம் மீதான சாதிய வன்கொடுமைக்கு காரணமான சாதிவெறியர்களை வன்கொடுமை தடுப்புச் சட்டத்தின் கீழ் கைது செய்!

* கல்வித்துறையில் ஊடுருவியுள்ள சாதிவெறி -  சங்பரிவார கும்பலை களையெடு!

> அமெரிக்காவின் தெற்காசிய மேலாதிக்கத்திற்கான நேட்டோ - இந்தோ பசிபிக் கூட்டமைப்பை (NATO -IP4) எதிர்ப்போம்!

> அமெரிக்க - ரசிய ஏகாதிபத்திய நாடுகளே!  உக்ரைனிலிருந்து வெளியேறு!

மக்கள் ஜனநாயக இளைஞர் கழகம்

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