இந்திய உதவியால் புலிகளைத் தோற்கடித்தோம் - தந்தி பேட்டியில் ரணில்

Ranil Wickramasinghe’s interview to Thanthi TV

Sri Lanka's political parties are united on the need for restoration of democracy in Sri Lanka, removing the executive presidency and national reconciliation, Sri Lankan Prime Minister Ranil Wickramasinghe.

THANTHI TV: Thank you very much Mr. Prime Minister for agreeing to talk to us. Let me start asking about the working of the New National Govt. There is an SLFP President, UNP Prime Minister. Ministers from parties that have been opposing each other in elections consecutively. How does this actually work?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: We were all united on few issues... Restoration of democracy in Sri Lanka, end of the Rajapaksa regime, the need to remove the executive presidency & finally need to have a national reconciliation. So we got together. The fact is that Rajapaksa was crowding the democratic space in Sri Lanka. One of the the smaller parties that has always opposed the UNP consistently said, "Look, fish need water, we need space... He is not giving us the space...let’s all get together, create a democratic system, strengthen it & then we can all go back to the party politics that we knew”. It is like Political parties getting together in a National crisis, it's generally a war, an invasion which brings them together... But here it was a major Political crisis which decided... Will this country be a Multi party democracy or will it be the Rajapaksa regime... It affected the SLFP itself...Because the SLFP was being replaced, the cadres, the Members were being replaced by the henchmen of Rajapaksa regime. This is why the General Secretary of the SLFP became the Common candidate, today, he is the President of the Country.

THANTHI TV: But can this set up go on after the Parliamentary elections...Can this go beyond the ensuing Parliamentary elections?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Yes, we have decided that we will work together at least for two years & we could assess the situation, can we stay on or should we separate. I like all the parties to get together. As I said in Sinhalese, I want to make the whole Parliament a Government. One Group will be The Ministers & Deputy Ministers, the rest of them will become over sight Committee. Like the European Parliament or the American congress, exercising powers of oversight over the Government, therefore the chairman of the Oversight committee will also be a Powerful Political figure

THANTHI TV: But is it, practically feasible to go on for that long?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Yes. We can go for 2 years...We can manage for 2 years

THANTHI TV: On President Sirisena's visit to India... He is back after after his first State visit to India... Are you happy about the outcome of his visit?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: yes... I’m quite happy. First being President Sirisena's visit to Delhi, Next month will be Prime Minister Modi's visit to Sri Lanka... This shows we are re-establishing links, repairing the damage, getting ahead.

THANTHI TV: That’s true... The engagements are happening more often than before. My question is on Prime Minister Modi's visit. This is very significant because this is a bilateral visit by an Indian Prime Minister that happens after 28 long years. If Modi wishes to visit the North of Sri Lanka, the Tamil Province, Would you facilitate & encourage such a visit?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: He is welcome to visit to Jaffna... We have invited him for him to visit Jaffna; He is requested to visit Jaffna. And that visit will take place. He also has to decide what are the other places he would like to visit during his stay in Sri Lanka.

THANTHI TV: Could it be in the upcountry?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Well he may visit Kandy, which is the old capital. But I think the focus will mainly be on some of our religious places & the North.

THANTHI TV: The Prime Minister will also be visiting Kandy where substantial number of Indian origin Tamils live?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Kandy is possible on the places that he may like to visit...Then he could visit the temple of the tooth & pay homage to the tooth relic. But his meeting with the Tamil speaking people of Sri Lanka will mainly be in & around Jaffna. Remember there are enough of Tamils of recent Indian origin in Colombo... He need not go anywhere else; he can meet them all in Colombo.

THANTHI TV: The previous regime was not very cozy about the Foreign Heads of Government, visiting the North of Sri Lanka. Rajapaksa regime expressed displeasure over the British Prime Minister visiting north... You have no problem about our Prime Minister visiting north?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: No, Once we have a visit by a Foreign head of Govt., in addition to Colombo, he must be allowed to choose where he likes to visit

THANTHI TV: When are you visiting India, Mr. Prime Minister?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Well, I have been visiting India on & off... But I don’t think I will come to India till after the Parliamentary elections are over.

THANTHI TV: Where does China factor today stand in the Indo- Sri Lankan Relations? The Previous regime was perceived largely pro-china

Ranil Wickramasinghe: We keep the Indo- Sri Lanka relations separate from Sino- Sri Lanka relations... Both are important for us. With India there is historic link. Under the Indo- Lanka agreement, both countries have agreed that they will not take any measures that will harm the SECURITY of the other country. So in conducting our relations with China or with other country, we keep this in mind. With this way, we are able to handle the Indo-Sri Lanka relationship separately from the Sino- Lanka relations. What we did not like was the attempt at the time of Rajapaksa regime to play India off against China. Play China card with India, India card with China. That is not a wise policy. India also helped us. Without the help of India, President Rajapaksa could have not wiped out the LTTE . He got that help & he agreed to give concessions even beyond the 13th amendment...But he did not do so...

THANTHI TV: India helped Sri Lanka in the war?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Yes... certainly

THANTHI TV: India has been categorically denying that.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Amnesia, you know is very common among politicians.

THANTHI TV: There was a perception that the previous regime was largely in tilt towards China. Is the era of Pro- China tilt over today?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: As I told you, we have no Pro china tilt; we have No Pro India tilt.

THANTHI TV: I’m asking about the Previous Govt. There was a perception that the previous regime had a pro-china tilt.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Because they had a strained relations with the west. They relied on china for all the economic assistance .But in our case, while we welcome Chinese INVESTMENT & assistance, we will also be getting investment assistance from other countries. There won’t be a tilt as far as UNP is concerned, President Sirisena is concerned & other parties in the National Govt. are concerned... As a result of how they conducted their foreign policy, there is a general feeling that Rajapaksa regime had tilted towards China.

THANTHI TV: Your Position on the Port city project has now triggered some doubts.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: No doubt. I'm the first person to raise the Port city in the Parliament... I asked for the reports. Now we have appointed a committee to go into the port city & to make a report. Depending on the outcome of the report, we will decide what our measures are going to be. But once we get the report, we will also give a copy of it to the Chinese Govt. & then commence discussion

THANTHI TV: You had spoken about the scrapping of the project. , but now....

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I still think if the report is adverse, then the project should be scrapped.

THANTHI TV: If the report is adverse, the port city project should be scrapped?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: if the report is adverse, we have to scrap it. But then, we want to hear all parties. My contention on the report has not been tabled... Hear all the parties & take a decision.

THANTHI TV: While bilateral consultations with regards to voluntary repatriation of refugees from India to Sri Lanka have begun, The Tamil Nadu Govt. has raised certain doubts. It believes the situation & atmosphere is still not congenial & your govt. has not taken constructive steps. Do you say all is well for the refugees to return to Sri Lanka?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: We have an environment for the refugees to return to Sri Lanka. If they have doubts & they want a longer time, just give them some more time. As the situation keep getting back to normal & improving, people in Tamil Nadu will say, why don’t they go back to Sri Lanka. We don’t want to force the issue, as the events develop, they will have to return to Sri Lanka.

THANTHI TV: These criticisms come at the back ground that the resettlement of the internally displaced Tamils hasn’t happened in entirety

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Of the 11,000 acres, now only about 5000 acres are in army's control. We have identified some other places to be returned. Some of the refugees may be from these areas, or they may be from areas where life is back to normal. In any case, if they have fear, they should be given some more time to return.

THANTHI TV: Tamil Nadu has played a very significant or a powerful part in the Indo- Sri Lankan relations... The complaint is that Governments in Colombo & also in Delhi have not taken this special factor into consideration which in turn has only complicated relations between the 2 countries. Now that there is a regime change, would you take Tamil Nadu's views on board, would you like to engage with Tamil Nadu while dealing with India?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: When I was Prime Minister (earlier), I always engaged with Tamil Nadu, kept them informed. Of course we have to deal with the Govt. of India. We know Chennai, we go there regularly, we have friends there. Some go for shopping, some go for religious purposes . Tamil Nadu is not an unknown place.

THANTHI TV: But would you like to engage with Tamil Nadu?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: On bilateral relations, we deal with the Govt. of India. When we go to Tamil Nadu, we keep them informed. We like that to CONTINUE.

THANTHI TV: Your Manifesto says, your policy will take diversity of India into concern...Does that mean Tamil Nadu?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Yes...certainly... Southern part of the sub-continent is closer to each other.

THANTHI TV: When the Tamil Nadu issue was raised, the attitude of the previous Govt. was that we deal with the Govt. in Delhi, not Chennai. Chennai is not our concern... Will there now be change in attitude?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: We have always said, Govt. to Govt. in Delhi... We have always wanted Good relations with States in Southern India, Chennai( TN) , Kerala- Large number of Sinhalese have supposed connections with Kerala , Karnataka, & of course Andhra which is now in 2 places .. Telengana & Andhra... All that has been traditional parts of our relations. Do you know that Narasimha Varman, The king of Pallavas, he was able to defeat the Chalukyan king because his command was a Prince from Sri Lanka called Manavamma. Then King gave his army to Manavamma to return to Sri Lanka & re-establish himself on the throne of Anuradhapura. Pallava & the Anuradhapura kings had very very close relations, Pandians too had... The final line up was Sri Lanka, Pallava, Pandiyas & Sri Vijaya against Cholas... Of course Chola defeated all of us. Kerala & Sri Lanka are the only two areas in the Indian subcontinent that use coconut oil for cooking.

THANTHI TV: Can I understand that you would prioritize strengthening relations with South India?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: We will...We will always.

THANTHI TV: I must definitely ask you about the resolution that the Northern Provincial council of Sri Lanka has now passed. The allegation is that the successive Governments of Sri Lanka have been committing genocide against the Tamils. What is your response?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Very very irresponsible statement by the Chief Minister. I don’t agree with it. Makes it difficult for us to communicate with the Chief Minister when he passes resolutions like this. This will be the same position in India, if a Chief Minister passed resolution accusing Delhi of committing Genocide. I have been dealing with Mr. Sammanthan &the members of the TNA resolving the issue. Yes, there was a war, people were killed but on all sides. Remember just as much as Tamils got killed. There were Muslims & Sinhalese were killed.

THANTHI TV: But the Magnitude was high on the Tamil side

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Yes... Muslims were killed in the east...they were Tamil speakers, not Sinhala speakers.

THANTHI TV: But the Magnitude sir. ! The numbers?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Magnitude high...Yes... But remember some of the Tamils were killed by the LTTE... LTTE wiped out the Political leadership of Jaffna. All the TULF & other members were killed by the LTTE. No Tamil politicians were killed by the SECURITY forces of Sri Lanka. Many of the Jaffna's leadership were killed by the LTTE. You ask the people of Jaffna

THANTHI TV: Going by the UN Report, the large number of the killing were done by the Sri Lankan forces.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: UN report talks of the last phase of the war, where large numbers of people were killed. The numbers are in dispute. UN report says 40,000...Some of the official reports say 5000...

THANTHI TV: The diaspora says, it could be closer to a lakh or so.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: No... I would not say... I don’t think it would come even up to 40,000... We are willing to verify it. Sri Lanka had to fight a war...LTTE used the civilians as a shield... Then what happened there, is what we have to inquire into... Was it that they were used as a shield & you couldn’t avoid the casualties or was it that you could avoid some casualties & you dint do so. We are not trying to cover any thing up. We have got the UN; we are dealing with the UN

THANTHI TV: So, You deny the charge that there has been genocide against the Tamils. ?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I would say large number of people of Sri Lanka, including a large number of Tamils have been killed in the conflict. Some of them are casualties of war. Some are killed for no reasons at all. Deaths have been partly due to the operations of the Sri Lankan Army, SECURITYforces, partly due to the operations of the IPKF, partly due to the operations of the LTTE...

THANTHI TV: You would blame the IPKF also?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: People were killed by all these... casualties took place under Sri Lankan SECURITY forces, IPKF and also by LTTE... We are in no way denying it. We are not going to say that the actions of the Sri Lankan security forces did not result in deaths of Tamils, may be in large numbers. Some in fighting & some in other circumstances, which we are willing to look at. But to say that it was only that it was only the Government of Sri Lanka? When Mr. Wigneswaran knows that he would not have been taken from Colombo & made the Chief Minister if there was a Political leadership left in Jaffna by the LTTE. What happened in 2005? In 2005 if people of Jaffna were allowed to vote, I could have prevented what took place in 2009. Who made Mahinda Rajapaksa the President? Not the people in the south... By preventing 300 to 400 thousand Tamils from voting, there was a deal between Mahinda Rajapaksa & LTTE. Mahinda Rajapaksa paid money to the LTTE. One of them who took the money to LTTE Amirkanthan is still there somewhere in the Middle East. That’s well known.

THANTHI TV: You accuse Rajapaksa of paying money to the LTTE?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: That is a fact even Rajapaksa has not denied... Prabhakaran took money...

THANTHI TV: Had you become the President, things would have been otherwise?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: We would have come towards a resolution... Because many in the LTTE were willing to do a deal. Prabhakaran wasn’t (ready). Finally he fell out with Balasingham...Why was Balasingham excluded? Balasingham knew the reality .The reality was the International Community wanted a deal. Prabhakaran thought I can't finish him off physically, I will finish off politically. He could finish off Premadasa physically; He failed to finish off President Chandrika Kumaratunga who was for peace, who still stands for peace. He dint want a peace settlement because after 5 -6 years, his leadership could have been challenged... We were all discussing one of the biggest issues that we have in a peace settlement was the threat to Prabhakaran from the people of Jaffna. Remember he had killed enough of them that someone was going to take revenge. As far as the Sinhalese, Muslims were concerned, they would have said it is all part of the war & it is over. One of the biggest concerned we have had was what is the security of Prabhakaran after the Peace settlement, because he would have been a TARGET of people from the North who wanted to settle scores with him. How many Tamil leaders were killed...His own Mathaya was put into a cage & shot. Why did some of the others break away & come, because they knew Prabhakaran would kill them. Finally Prabhakaran's desire for glory was such that he nearly wiped out the whole Tamil race.

THANTHI TV: You blame Prabhakaran for Genocide?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I blame him for having destroyed, decimated the Tamil Political leadership.

THANTHI TV: There are allegations on both sides

Ranil Wickramasinghe: We have said, we are willing to have an Inquiry. We have no problem

THANTHI TV: Why not an International enquiry sir?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Because, Sri Lanka like India is not a party to Statute of Rome, therefore Jurisdiction lies with the Domestic courts. There was problem with the Domestic courts, as to whether the courts are Independent, when the Chief Justice was moved out. We now have the same standards like India. India would say the same stand as us... We are willing to have an Inquiry, if they want to have foreign observers; we have no problems with it at all.

THANTHI TV: Are you & Rajapaksa are not on the same page?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I’m not on the same page with Rajapaksa

THANTHI TV: On the International enquiry? He also spoke of a Domestic process credible to the International community

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I’m on the same line with the Government of India. As far as Jurisdiction in criminal & legal matters is concerned it lies with the Republic of India & with Republic of Sri Lanka as neither of us has signed the Statute of Rome... I'm the one who refused to sign the statute of Rome. But I'm prepared to have any amount of trials in Sri Lanka. We have to ensure that Judiciary is Independent... If anyone wants to come in, Human Rights Watch or any one, they are completely free to come into Sri Lanka, which was not allowed by Rajapaksa. If there is a request for an enquiry in Sri Lanka, We can talk over it with the Human Rights council. Let's see what their final report...We are willing to discuss with them... All we are saying is Jurisdiction for trials lies with the Government of Sri Lanka just as much as in India it lies with India, in America it lies with the USA. Remember that these are all Governments that did not sign the Statute of Rome. Therefore, if Human Rights Watch wants to come tomorrow they are free to come. I will say yes. As far as UN is concerned, if they make recommendations, certainly we have to consider & talk to them... We have invited the High Commissioner. If someone else makes a request... No....When we had problems in the South in the 1989 & 90, they asked for International enquiry... I said No; the person who asked for International enquiry was a person by the name of Mahinda Rajapaksa.

THANTHI TV: He was wrong?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I said No International Enquiry. If the UN Human rights commission wants an inquiry, I'm willing to talk to them. But I invited Human rights watch & others to come to Sri Lanka... (After the uprisings in 1989&90)They all came to Sri Lanka. The Congressional staff came to Sri Lanka... We have nothing to hide. We know terrible incidents have taken place...More than 100 Thousand people have been killed. There were uprisings in the North & in the South... I don’t think any country had gone through that. At one stage our Jurisdiction was limited to a few cities where uprising in the North & South had taken place same time. We just wanted to put it behind us. Any Inquiry that helps us to put it behind us, YES. The Only people who can talk to us about an Inquiry are the UN council on Human rights...

THANTHI TV: That’s right...But the Office of the High commission has recommended an International enquiry... Office of the Human rights commissioner wants it.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Yes. President Rajapaksa turned it down. But When Ms. Pillay came to Sri Lanka; I met her & I said, make your recommendations... If we are in The Government we will consider it. But again I told her Domestic jurisdiction is different. You've got to draw a line between what is domestic jurisdiction & what is the enquiry...In the case the enquiry , It is a body like UN That can ask you for an enquiry & the Govt. can respond by saying 'No' we are not going to have an Inquiry or say Yes, we are willing to talk to you on that. If the UN report says so, we are willing to do that.

THANTHI TV: If the High commissioner insists, you would consider?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: We want an Inquiry. As far as Jurisdiction is concerned, Jurisdiction is a matter for Sri Lanka. As far as the Inquiry is concerned, it is not me; it is President Rajapaksa who agreed with the Secretary General of the UN that there shall be an Inquiry that meets the International standards. It is the same resolution which he got the member states to move in the UN Human rights council. Whatever commitments President Rajapaksa gave in writing to the UN secretary General & UN Human rights council, we will honor... I have no problems about that.

THANTHI TV: Do you think he has not honoured the promise?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: He did not allow an inquiry.

THANTHI TV: The domestic process that Rajapaksa was talking about doesn’t seem credible to the International community. You say will bring an Inquiry that is credible to the International community?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: As far as the domestic commission he has appointed a commission called Maxwell - Paranagama -commission. They have asked for six months more...we have given six months, when that is over the report will be made available for the UN council to make their decision…they can make whether it is credible or not. I don't want to pass any judgment now. In addition the commission has appointed a committee chaired by Sir Desmond Desilva, British Queen council of Sri Lankan origin to make recommendation about the judicial procedures, so that report will also be made available to them and we are talking with the South African government in regard to establishing a truth commission, that will also be made available …so we are doing a lot.

THANTHI TV: Chief Minister CV Wigneswaran largely blames you for decision to retain the army in the North. He says you are playing obsolete political tactics for electoral reasons … Do you deny the charge?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Army is in all parts of Sri Lanka. I don't find any reason why the army should go out of any district in Sri Lanka, there are district head quarters in every part of Sri Lanka, and actually their structure is based on the India one.

THANTHI TV: But the army civilian ratio in the North is appalling

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I know that...what we have said is - as far as we are concerned we are not pulling the security forces out of any place unless we see improvements ..But at the same time there is lots of land that can be released to the people in different parts of the country. We have started with the thousand acres now the TNA said there has been an agreement in court over another two thousand acres, I just handed over to the attorney general .They have raised the issue of people in Mannar, we will go into it and Killinochi. We said lot of land has been utilized for other purposes. In Sampur we have handed the re-settlement to the people in Sampur...then in Panama we have resettled that issue that’s for Sinhala farmers whose lands were taken away so that they could build VIP chalets e. We are starting the process but remember this cannot be done overnight...it will take some time

THANTHI TV: But he blames the slow pace

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I told you that I disagree with him. He is irresponsible and he will have to explain himself for the Tamil speaking people. Lots of Tamils are today criticizing him. I am dealing here with the TNA members of parliament, if it is at slow pace they need not come weekly

THANTHI TV: This is not the TNA's demand alone the UN high commissioner has also been demanding this... international community has been demanding this

Ranil Wickramasinghe: UN high commissioner wants the lands restored .They say immediately and I have asked him to come, it has to be gradual. First we have to be satisfied with the security situation secondly we have to decide what happens in the rest of the country, but it was not a question, we never said in the 100 days manifesto which everyone voted for about pulling troops out .It was a security decision, we said about restoring lands to the people in all parts of Si Lanka

THANTHI TV: But what stops you from doing that

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Nothing to prevent us. All the land that is not required will be done

THANTHI TV: But the ratio? Army civilian ratio in the North is not proportionate to the other parts of the country.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Army civilian ratio will be adjusted as time goes on. No one has said it is going to be that high all the time. Isn't Vigneshwaran playing politics? It is utter irresponsible statement of a Chief Minister.

THANTHI TV: He has a line of two in praise of the president why do you think he blames you.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: He never even spoke to me on anything. Today you ask him again to repeat it. I’ll be going to Jaffna

THANTHI TV: He said you had told him that you had told the (Mahanayakas) Buddhist monks that you are not going to demilitarize the North

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I never told him anything. Wigneshwaran never dealt with me. He has never dealt with me.

THANTHI TV: He gives minute details, you smiled and said...

Ranil Wickramasinghe: He came only once when I was in the opposition. I have not dealt with him. I have no dealings with Wigneshwaran. He is a liar!

THANTHI TV: There was no meeting between you and Wigneshwaran recently?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Wigneswaran sent me a letter

THANTHI TV: The content of his speech was....

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I have not spoken to Wigneshwaran. I don't discuss Jaffna with Wigneshwaran. I discuss it with TNA in the parliament

THANTHI TV: You did not smile?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I would have smiled at him. He was a man who went and grabbed Rajapaksa here; he was willing to do a deal with Rajapaksa. I have not dealt with him. I have never had dealings with him.

THANTHI TV: As chief Minister he has to deal with the president

Ranil Wickramasinghe: No he has never come even otherwise as Chief Minister he never dealt with me as opposition. Wigneswaran has had no dealing. If he said so he is a liar. Next time I go to Jaffna, I will not meet him... I am going in the March.

THANTHI TV: You are not going to meet him

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I will not meet him unless he withdraws that …I will not meet him

THANTHI TV: You had not told him that you had told the Mahanayakas that there will be no de-militarization

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I have not spoken to all Mahanayakas... To begin with, my discussions on Jaffna have only been with two Mahanayakas... Maalvartha and the Mahanayaka Ramanya. Ramanya Mahanayaka is also the chair of the council of the religions, he was talking about the need to release the land and how we can do it while looking after the SECURITY...Mahanayaka Malwatta said certainly the land should be returned but we should not put the security at peril .that’s all they have said. I never spoke to him (Wigneswaran), he came to me once and I have no dealings

THANTHI TV: Your refusal to deal with him... will this not complicate matters further?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: It won't complicate matters for me...It will complicate matters for him.

THANTHI TV: For the people?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: I deal with the people & with the members of the parliament

THANTHI TV: He is the representative of the Northern provincial council

Ranil Wickramasinghe: He is the Chief Minister of the provincial council... I deal with the members of the parliament just as much as I deal with the members of parliament in Kandy, I don’t deal the Chief Minister

THANTHI TV: Not the provincial government?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: if the provincial government wants to deal with me... yes! I have a Chief Minister in Badulla, I don't deal with him. In this, it is a conscious decision not to deal with Wigneshwaran,

THANTHI TV: Because of his remarks?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Because of his remarks and he lied. I can say that because I can directly deal with the people of Jaffna. I have no problem. I don't need Wigneshwaran to go there.

THANTHI TV: On the autonomy issue & the full implementation of the 13th amendment, how do you propose to go about it further?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: We are implementing it, we are looking at how it is going to function in regard to independent commission and a concern which has been raised by a lot of people about the politicization of the police and whether the independent police commission is sufficient to depoliticize the police and whether we should take other steps to depoliticize the police. The fear is that the police will become private armies with the chief ministers. We haven't got the precedent of India. Politicization of the police at the center by president Rajapaksa has given that fear.

THANTHI TV: It works well in the countries like India

Ranil Wickramasinghe: It works with India. I said we don't have the precedence of India. It hasn’t worked here. We had it earlier. We haven't got it now. Fortunately Inspector General of police said look I will carry out what is expected of me under the law for the election. As a result he brought in former Inspector General of police and made him the secretary of the minister of Public order who tried to overrule this. The country has agreed that there should be no politicization of police. How we achieve is the matter that the whole parliament has to discuss. There is the fear that if there is politicization of the police that will lead to central government having one may be with the Prime minister after the amendment, one under the chief ministers so there are 10 police forces. We brought in independent police service commission in 2001 when the police was not politicized in this way. Now the parties have to talk to each other to see that there are more steps to depoliticize the police force and what is the relationship between head of government and police and the Chief Ministers and the police.

THANTHI TV: The other concern is about the merger...Would you consider the merger of the north and the east?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: The constitution of Sri Lanka provided for 9 provinces and that any mergers requires a referendum in both those provinces

THANTHI TV: But it is an integral part of the accord

Ranil Wickramasinghe: It is not a part of the accord. It only acknowledged merger for 1 year… temporary merger for 1 year and in 2005 Rajapaksa said I will not have a merger and Prabakaran supported him.

THANTHI TV: That is a conspiracy theory

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Whatever it is... it prevented the Tamils from voting. If you want a merger of any two provinces or more 13th amendment provides the way. You can have a merger. That is the provincial councils must vote in favor of the merger and must be supported by the majority of the people.

THANTHI TV: You talk about the full implementation of 13th amendment without the merger, without the police powers....

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Merger is not a part of the 13th amendment as the way you say. No one said North and east are going to be one province; it was a temporary merger for 1 year under the Indo-Lanka accord and any merger there-after will have to be by a referendum. President Jayewardene said I am going to hold a referendum and I will campaign against it. The day he was with Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi he said it...

THANTHI TV: Are you for referendum now?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: If the two provincial councils want a referendum, then we will hold a referendum

THANTHI TV: you are okay?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: If the two provincial councils... Not only there, if two provinces anywhere want to merge and the pass it then we have to agree.

THANTHI TV: If there is a resolution passed by North and Eastern provincial council pass a resolution in demand of a referendum, the central government is okay?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Then the central government must hold a referendum. If the western and the North western province want to merge, we will have to hold the referendum. You can’t pass constitution amendments. There are supreme court judgments so if they have the majority, let them get the majority and do that and I didn’t say no police powers I said relationship of the head of the government to the police and the chief Minister to the police have to be reconsidered in the light of the need to depoliticize the police. I didn’t say it is only Chief Minister I said the head of government also.

THANTHI TV: On the fishermen issue...This is a long standing issue between India & Sri Lanka...How do you propose to solve this issue.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: It's an issue between Tamil Nadu fishermen & Sri Lankan fishermen... They have got to sit down & we have to work this out. There can be No bottom trawling. There can be no solution that permits the Indian fishermen to do bottom trawling. This is basically Sri Lanka Waters... What would you have done if all our fishermen went into the Indian waters & started fishing there...? Now what you are claiming is, we want to come there, we want to fish in your water & we want to bottom trawl in your waters.

THANTHI TV: They say it is their traditional fishing right

Ranil Wickramasinghe: We are ready to consider the boats of the type that were used when Katchatheevu issue was resolved, you use the boats of that type...we will consider.

THANTHI TV: Our fishermen are on record saying that they are ready to give up bottom trawling.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Tell them to give up bottom trawling. Look, between you & me, these are relations...They are intermarried... They have to sit down & sort it out. As far as the Northern fishermen of Sri Lanka are concerned, it is their Track grounds. If you have the type of boats that were used when Katchatheevu has handed over, If you are using same number of boats that were there when the agreement was done, we are willing to talk on that.

THANTHI TV: You are willing to give them their traditional fishing right. ?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: We are willing to talk on that if it is restricted to the type of boats that were used when the Katchatheevu accord was done & the number of boats is equal to the number of boats that were there during the Katchatheevu accord.

THANTHI TV: You raised the Katchatheevu issue... Tamil Nadu largely believes the retrieval of Katchatheevu is the only solution for this issue... Would you consider ceding the island?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Look...Look. Katchatheevu is a Part of Sri Lanka... Delhi thinks it is a part of Sri Lanka, I know it is a part of Tamil Nadu Politics...I know all of them... On the issue of fishing, this is what we say...These are traditional waters... People who fish in it are the Fishermen in the North, even in the Fishermen in the south find some of the Indian trawlers coming to the southern areas also, like near Puttalam. It is a big issue for us... It is their livelihood. We prevented these (Sri Lankan) fishermen from fishing earlier because of the war, Otherwise they would have been fishing... At one stage LTTE armed some of the fishermen to shoot the fishermen coming from India. We are not doing that

THANTHI TV: But there are allegations of Sri Lankan Navy shooting fishermen...Around 600 Indian fishermen were killed in the last many years.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: No ...Not recently.

THANTHI TV: Until 2011.The last was in 2011.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: yeah. In 2011.Part of that earlier was during the time of war they felt some of them actually were involved in supplying of arms. Remember this, that as far as we are concerned, even today The Northern Fishermen are shouting why the Navy isn’t defending us... There were fishermen who have written letters why aren’t you using the Navy to shoot them. It is from the fishermen of the North... We have a job explaining to them, Look these are territorial waters, but we still have to go & talk to India & sort it out.

THANTHI TV: May be there are such requests... But do you deny the allegation that the Sri Lankan Navy has carried out Human right violations against Indian fishermen.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Sri Lankan Navy had to patrol it & at some stages there were shooting of Fishermen at the height when we asked fishermen to stop to prevent flow of arms between India & Sri Lanka.

THANTHI TV: Is that justified sir? Shooting fishermen of the neighboring country, a friendly neighbor.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: It’s not a question of that. At that time, LTTE was running arms. . Whether Sri Lankan Fishermen or Indian fishermen, they had to stop, when the Navy asks them to stop. There also have been instances of the Sri Lankan Navy shooting innocent fishermen. We have not said No to it.

THANTHI TV: So, that has happened?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Yeah... The fact that they have been running arms... In some instance they have to shoot because they were poaching on Sri Lankan Waters.

THANTHI TV: Poaching waters? Can this be punished with shooting...? Human rights violations?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Why are you coming into our waters? Why are you fishing in our waters...? Stay on the Indian side... There will be no issue...No one will shoot anyone else...You stay on the Indian side, Let our fishermen stay on the Sri Lankan side... Otherwise don’t make accusations of Human rights violation by the Navy. You came in there.

THANTHI TV: Lot of friendly neighbors have fishing agreements.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: You be on to that side, we be on that side. Why do you all pick up the Italian sailors...? You say you are friendly with Italy, show that same magnanimity to Italy that you want us to show.

THANTHI TV: They killed our fishermen...We are still following the course of law

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Look... If you want us to show that magnanimity to your fishermen. India should show the same magnanimity to Italian sailors.

THANTHI TV: attack was on the Indian fishermen... Italian marines shot our Indian fishermen.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Look, you are taking away the livelihood for our Northern fishermen.

THANTHI TV: That can’t justify taking away lives sir.

Ranil Wickramasinghe: if someone tries to break into my house, I can shoot. If he gets killed...Law allows me to do that... On the fishermen issue, As far as I'm concerned, I have very very strong lines. This is our waters...Fishermen of Jaffna should be allowed to fish. We stopped them from fishing , That's Why the Indian fishermen came in,, They are willing to have a deal...Let's have a reasonable deal..But not at the expense of the income of the Northern Fishermen...No...

THANTHI TV: There were proposals of Fishermen fishing on both sides without

having any territorial restrictions

Ranil Wickramasinghe: you have no fish... it's not worth fishing there... Fishes are here...

THANTHI TV: On Retrieval of Katchatheevu, If India raises this issue... Would you consider ceding, if not ceding, leasing the Island in perpetuity?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: Look...We are not ceding, we are not leasing, India is not raising it... Let’s be quite firm about that... India is not going to raise it... These are hypothetical issues.

THANTHI TV: We are talking a lot on Political relations... India & Sri Lanka share strong cultural ties. Now that things are getting normalized...How do you propose to strengthen the cultural ties in terms of Arts, literature?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: It's a people to people relationship...let it flow... it will happen. There was no Govt. involved in strengthening the relationship for so long... It will go on...Brahmi script, the Sinhala script, the Tamil scripts all had no Govts involved. It will take place.

THANTHI TV: But if the Govts facilitate, it can happen faster

Ranil Wickramasinghe: That’s true... Emperor Ashoka facilitated Mahinda coming to Sri Lanka...We can facilitate...It’s a normal process...it will keep growing

THANTHI TV: What to expect of Prime Minister Modi's visit to Sri Lanka?

Ranil Wickramasinghe: It's a goodwill one to restore the ties between the two countries

THANTHI TV: Thank you very much...A pleasure talking to you.

“the federalisation of Indian foreign policy” under Modi

Prakash Nanda

“the federalisation of Indian foreign policy” under Modi
Prakash Nanda | Date:07 May , 2014

Prakash Nanda is a journalist and editorial consultant for Indian Defence Review. He is also the author of “Rediscovering Asia: Evolution of India’s Look-East Policy.”

Speech by Prakash Nanda at Australia-India Institute, University of Melbourne, on May 6, 2013

First of all, I am grateful to the Australia -India Institute for inviting me and providing a great opportunity to exchange my thoughts with some of the leading minds of Australia and friends
of India.    As you know this is the election time in India, though it is in the last stages. On May 16, we will know who will form the next government of India. However, it is widely expected that Narendra Modi of the BJP will be the one who will form the new government. At least that is what all the opinion polls that have been conducted so far do suggest.

Modi envisaged a grand design for achieving “India’s century” through a balance between the high road of peace and a no-nonsense toughness towards threats to national SECURITY.
Modi has been the chief minister of Gujarat, one of the developed states by Indian standard, for over 12 years now. He has won three consecutive elections. And now as a prime ministerial candidate, he is supposedly the most popular leader of India. But then the fact remains that Modi is an “outsider” to Delhi politics. I rather will use the word establishment in lieu of politics in the sense that Modi has no experience in the governance in Delhi. He has never been a member of Indian Parliament. Consequently, he has never been a central minister.

Therefore, in the event of becoming Prime Minister, Modi will be unique in the sense that he will be unlike his predecessors, all of whom had been either central ministers or members of parliament. In other words, Modi will directly catapult himself from a state or provincial level politics to occupy the most important political office of India, that of the Prime Minister.

Against this background, there are obvious limitations while talking about Modi’s foreign policy vision. Because, while much has been written about how Modi should manage his international relations were he to become Prime Minister, much less has been said by him on the subject. As it is, foreign policy seldom occupies an important position in political agenda during electoral campaigns, and this is true of many countries as well. 2014 in India is hardly any different. What I am going to do therefore is to construct a scenario based on what Modi has said or indicated on foreign policy in some of his election rallies and public ADDRESSES so far, including the most substantive speech he made in Chennai last October (18th) where he envisaged a grand design for achieving “India’s century” through a balance between the high road of peace and a no-nonsense toughness towards threats to national security. Of course, there is a section on foreign policy in the election manifesto of the BJP that was released last month. Though people do not attach much significance to the manifestoes, not only of the BJP but also of other political parties, I for one will like to take it seriously as I see a distinct impact of Modi in drafting it.

Before introducing Modi’s world view, it should be noted that we in India, and I think that it is a part of our strategic culture, love to keep things and policies as ambiguous as possible,

leaving them to many and different interpretations. Unlike the cases in many leading countries, our leaders hesitate to enunciate clear policies or doctrines having strategic implications. For instance, as a nuclear power, we do not have a nuclear doctrine in strict sense of the term; what we have indeed is a “draft nuclear doctrine” devised in 1999, some clarifications of which were “SHARED with the public”    in 2003 by the then Cabinet Committee on Security.   Similarly, we have had the so-called “Indira Doctrine” or “Gujral Doctrine”, which were actually named and popularized by late Professor Bhabani Sengupta. Of late, some admirers of our present Prime Minister have coined a term, “the Manmohan doctrine” to explain his emphasis on economic development as a driver for foreign policy and in shaping India’s strength, interests and relationships. But what is important to note here is that unlike in many leading democracies, Indian government does not come out with periodic strategic visions or white papers to emphasise clearly and coherently its blueprints of the manner, style and priorities as far as dealing with the outside world is concerned.

…foreign policy is the outcome of economic policy, and until India has properly evolved her economic policy, her foreign policy will be rather vague, rather inchoate, and will be groping…

The point that I am trying to make is that there has been a systematic effort, it seems at least to me, to keep Indian foreign policy as ambiguous as possible. And it has resulted in such a situation that more often than not, the Indian foreign policy is reactive to global developments, not proactive enough to make or create an event.  And I think this has been the situation since India became independent in 1947. Here I would like to quote India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s speech in the Constituent in December 1947. He said: “talking about foreign policies, the House must remember that these are not just empty struggles on a chessboard. Behind them lie all manner of things. Ultimately, foreign policy is the outcome of economic policy, and until India has properly evolved her economic policy, her foreign policy will be rather vague, rather inchoate, and will be groping… A vague statement that we stand for peace and freedom by itself has no particular meaning, because every country is prepared to say the same thing, whether it means it or not. What then we do stand for? Well, you have to develop this argument in the economic field. As it happens today; in spite of the fact that we have been for some time in authority as a government, I regret that we have not produced any constructive economic scheme or economic policy so far… When we do so, that will govern our foreign policy more than all speeches in this House”.

Of course, there is no disputing the fact that the broad objective of our foreign policy is to further our economic objectives by working for a benign external environment that will ensure the protection and PROMOTION of our territorial integrity, political and social systems of democracy and pluralism. Obviously, we do need a stable global order and a peaceful neighbourhood. We need an open and equitable international trading system; a secure financial system; reliable, affordable and secure energy supplies; and, food security. We need bilateral as well as international partnerships of technology and innovation to meet the extraordinary scale of our development challenges. And finally, we value our strategic autonomy, that is to take foreign policy decisions without being dictated by foreign powers.

All these foreign policy goals permanent ones and there has been a broad CONTINUITY in pursuing them by all the governments in Delhi, irrespective of their party-composition. And one can say with certainty that they will not undergo any fundamental changes under Modi either. What will happen in stead are some changes in the emphasis or prioritisation. But before elaborating them, I will draw your kind attention towards another vital aspect of Indian foreign policy which is likely see major changes under Modi if his recent speeches are any indication. That is the making of India’s foreign policy as such, involving the institutions, processes and practices.

Constitutionally speaking, foreign-policy is a subject that is the exclusive domain of the Central Government in India’s federal arrangement. The primary institutions for framing and implementing foreign policy are the external affairs minister, the bureaucracy attached to his ministry (Ministry of External Affairs) called the Indian Foreign Service (IFS) and also the Prime Minister and his office. It is the Central Government that can declare war; conducts relations with foreign nations and international organisations; appoints and receives diplomatic and consular officials; concludes, ratifies, and implements treaties; and acquires or cedes territory.

…under the Manmohan Singh government, the base of Indian foreign policy-making has become the narrowest ever, with everything being controlled by the NSA and the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO).

Besides, it so happened that because of the complexities of the subject, only few individuals associated with the Central Government mostly dominated in interacting with the outside
world. During the Nehru era (Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first Prime Minister), India’s foreign policy making process was entirely controlled by the Nehru’s charisma and personality, although at times, he was helped by some of his chosen officials. This trend of the Prime Minister and some of his or her trusted bureaucrats monopolising the making the foreign policy without any proper institutional frameworks was further legitimised by Nehru’s successors such as Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and PV Narasimha Rao.

More or less, the same has been the trend under the non-Congress governments.  Atal Behari Vajpayee, India’s first BJP Prime Minister, carried out the Congress legacy. Though the Vajpayee government established the so-called National SECURITY Council and created a new post of National SECURITY Adviser (NSA), there is hardly any evidence that it was working the way it was intended. In a way, under Vajpayee the foreign policy making base became narrower than what it was even during the Congress regimes. It was totally dominated by the then NSA, a former Foreign Service official, who also happened to be the Principal Secretary to the Prime Minister. Over the years, the NSA has become the czar of Indian foreign policy bureaucracy. My personal interactions with the senior officials of the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) and retired Foreign Secretaries suggest that under the Manmohan Singh government, the base of Indian foreign policy-making has become the narrowest ever, with everything being controlled by the NSA and the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO).

Secondly,  with the rarest exception of the much talked about India-United States nuclear Agreement ,  the Indian Parliament has hardly witnessed  lively debates on foreign policy and security issues.  Parliament is usually informed of the government’s decisions on these issues.  As has been pointed out by union minister Shashi Tharoor, otherwise a reputed scholar of international affairs, only about 5% of questions posed in “Question Time” in Parliament concern foreign policy issues. If the Consultative Committee of Parliament for the MEA met rarely under Nehru and his immediate successors, today’s Standing Committee on External Affairs, according to Tharoor, generally spends its time meeting and greeting foreign delegations!

It is not only the Parliament of the world’s largest democracy that does not play an active role in the foreign policy or strategic matters. Another vital institution – the military – also has not been able to play any role. In fact, the military has been scrupulously kept at a self distance as far as providing inputs are concerned. As Stephen Cohen, one of the most perceptive scholars on Indian Military, says, “probably no military of equivalent importance or size (of India) has less influence over the shaping of policy at the highest level”. The chiefs of the armed forces are not present at the highest councils of government and nor are they routinely consulted about major foreign or even security policy issues.

The chiefs of the armed forces are not present at the highest councils of government and nor are they routinely consulted about major foreign or even security policy issues.

However, this over centralisation of foreign policy making has been coming under increasing challenges, of late. There are now growing demands for the “democratisation” of India’s foreign policy making base.

For instance, the West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee’s stance on the proposed Teesta water-sharing agreement or a pact on the exchange of enclaves with Bangladesh has weakened the central government and strained India’s ties with Bangladesh in the process.

In 2013, because of the pressure from both the ruling and opposition parties in Tamil Nadu, Manmohan Singh dropped the idea of attending the Commonwealth summit in Colombo. In fact, the Tamil Nadu factor also forced the central government vote against Sri Lanka in the United Nations Human Rights Commission (UNHRC) in 2013. This year, of course, there has been some course correction at the UNHRC meet; India abstained during a voting on a resolution that took the Sri Lankan government to task over its treatments of the Tamil minorities.

But the point to note here is the fact that the centralised foreign policy-making in India is being resisted by the federal elements. 

As a result, one is witnessing what is called “the federalisation of Indian foreign policy”. Of course, it will be wrong to say that in the earlier days, the state or provincial governments were totally neglected by the central government while formulating foreign policy.

At the height of the Sri Lankan civil war in 1987, when the then Rajiv Gandhi government decided to airdrop food in Jaffna in 1987,  it had reportedly ‘flown in’  the Tamil Nadu chief minister, MG Ramachandran, to Delhi for consultations.   (Prakash Nanda is a journalist and editorial consultant for Indian Defence Review.)

Similarly, while concluding the Farakka treaty with Bangladesh (SHARING the Ganga water between India and Bangladesh), the then Deve Gowda government in Delhi accorded considerable weightage to the suggestions of the then West Bengal Chief Minister, Jyoti Basu. However, all these were parts of the consultations; the central government took suggestions from the federating units but not necessarily was bound by them. In contrast, what is being witnessed today is that the States want to dictate what India’s foreign policy should be towards the countries which vitally affect them, particularly those that border them.

All told, the nature of Indian polity and governance is changing. Gone are the days of a single-party rule, a factor that facilitated the ruling party leader (the Prime Minister) to dictate foreign policy. This is an age of coalitions. And here, the regional parties are playing an important role. It so happens that most of the important regional parties that happen to govern the border states have important concerns with the neighboring countries that are different from the concerns seen from New Delhi. Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir may not look at Pakistan the same way that New Delhi does. West Bengal looks at Bangladesh differently from New Delhi. Tamil Nadu will like to have a policy towards Sri Lanka that is at odd with the view of New Delhi.  Besides, there are development-oriented chief ministers like Narendra Modi who are interacting directly with the foreign countries and players on issues such as loans and investment. They now travel abroad regularly.  Even otherwise, FREE TRADE agreements on agriculture and other industries that the central government negotiates with foreign governments can succeed only if the chief ministers of the states concerned agree. Naturally therefore the foreign policy of India is getting increasingly federalised. This development is getting further buttressed by the emergence of a series of new think-tanks, pressure groups and the educated middle class keen to shape public opinion on foreign policy issues.

http://www.indiandefencereview.com/

Lanka seeks US, India, UK help to investigate financial fraud!

Lanka seeks US, India, UK help

March 1, 2015 17:59
Ranil

The Government has sought assistance from India, the United States and Britain to investigate large scale financial fraud committed by the former Government.

Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe said that Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera and Justice Minister Wijeydasa Rajapaksa have visited these countries to seek assistance from institutions there for the investigation.

“We have sought assistance from the World Bank, the US Justice Department, the major fraud investigations unit in London and the Indian Central Bank,” he said.

The Prime Minister said that the Government is being accused of failing to arrest top members of the former Government over corruption.

However he says no one can be arrested without enough evidence at hand and so a system has been put in place to first investigate the allegations.

“This is not like investigating a murder. We need time,” he added.

However he said the Government hopes to complete a major part of the investigations by April 23 when the 100 day programme of the Government ends.

Wickremesinghe said that the new Government cannot behave like the former administration and arrest people without having proper evidence.

The Prime Minister said that statements have already been recorded from people as part of the investigations and data is also being collected from several Ministries. (Colombo Gazette)

New Party To Back MR

New Party To Back MR
By Indika Sri Aravinda

A group of Parliamentarians, who fear that they will not receive nominations for the upcoming General Elections by the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) or the UPFA, are planning on forming a separate political party to CONTESTthe elections, political sources revealed.  It has also been revealed that the political leaders of certain parties in the UPFA alliance have held secret meetings in this regard. Accordingly it has been decided to nominate former president Mahinda Rajapaksa as the leader of this group.

It has also been revealed that the leader of the National Freedom Front Wimal Weerawansa and the leader of the Pivithuru Hela Urumaya Udaya Gamanpila will play a leading role in this alliance. It is reliably learnt that nearly 100 parliamentarians from 18 political parties from the UPFA have expressed their willingness to support this group. This group has also decided to refrain from issuing any statement to the media until the elections are announced.

Upon inquiry Kalutara District SLFP parliamentarian Vidura Wickremanayake stated that a whole group of parliamentarians including himself were prepared to take to the streets against the government and as the first step they would be staging a public rally in Horana today (01). He also warned the government that they will not be allowed to dance according to their own tune and that if they try he and his group know how to deal with them.

He said that the government claims that they will not give nominations to corrupt politicians, but pointed out that the government has already provided ministerial positions to several corrupt politicians. When contacted the leader of the Pivithuru Hela Urumaya Udaya Gamanpila said that he is still a member of the UPFA and if he does not receive nominations, he will obtain one from the 51 political parties REGISTERED with the elections department.

Gamanpila further stated that President Maithripala Sirisena had now become a political prisoner of the UNP and his group would take measures to bring in Mahinda Rajapaksa as the Prime Minister.
He also alleged that opposition leader and SLFP member Nimal Siripala de Silva is trying to get the premiership, but he will not be able to achieve his goal.

Chief Minister Wigneswaran on Tamil aspirations:

Chief Minister Wigneswaran on Tamil aspirations:

‘Independence and corresponding power within a united country’

Northern Province Chief Minister Canagasabapathy Visuvalingam Wigneswaran PC shot to political prominence when he was plucked from retirement as a Supreme Court Judge by the Tamil National Alliance to be their leader for the war-battered, but staunchly independent, people of the North.

Today, after just 15 months as first Chief Minister of the Northern Province, he is a hugely popular leader in his own right and cuts a political image sharply distinct from the stereo-typical ‘Tamil nationalism’ that previously characterised the Tamil self-determination movement in its long journey through our post-colonial history.

After the enthusiastic Northern voter participation in the historic January 8 Presidential election, which ran counter to exhortations for a boycott by hardline secessionist elements within and without the country, Chief Minister Wigneswaran has emerged as a dynamic if controversial interlocutor between Tamil aspirations and national consensus.

The trilingual judge turned politician was interviewed by Silumina Editor Lakshman Piyasena.

Question: When you were appointed Chief Minister of the Northern Province there was a general impression in the country that a moderate Tamil intellectual who was different from politicians who arouse communalism had entered politics. But the recent Council resolution adopted under your leadership seems to have turned that impression upside down. That resolution said Tamils in Sri Lanka had been subjected to genocide under the government for a long time. Why did you bring in such a resolution as soon as President Maithripala Sirisena who pledged to foster national harmony and reconciliation came to power? What was the need for such a resolution?

Answer: First of all I must say that this was not a spontaneous resolution. For seven months the Provincial Council had discussions about bringing such a resolution. Every member SUPPORTED IT including even the Sinhala members. It was thereafter adopted unanimously.

The essence of the resolution is that CONTINUOUS injustice had been meted out to Tamils and if we are to build national reconciliation and go forward everyone should have an understanding about what happened in the country and the outside world too should know about it.

We can't move towards reconciliation unless we have a clear understanding about the injustice caused to Tamils. National unity could be achieved easily if the Sinhalese too know about the injustices carried out since Independence.

Q: Shouldn't you have given the new government a time limit to work towards harmony and reconciliation?

A: Two weeks before the adoption of the resolution the Deputy Minister of Defence visited the North and said Army camps would not be withdrawn from the North. This caused immense pain of mind and grief to the Tamil people. Tamils consider these camps as an obstruction to their normal daily routine. This had been a longstanding problem. Just think the pressure the Sinhalese in the South would have suffered if they had to CONTINUE living in such a situation. It is the suspicion caused among the ordinary Tamil public by this talk about camps which motivated Provincial Council members to expedite this resolution.

Q: Cannot another group consider the withdrawal of Army camps stationed according to the situation in a province where there had been terrorist activities for a long period as an irresponsible step?

A: As people's representatives we have a responsibility to listen to the grievances of the people. There is yet a 150,000-strong army stationed in the North. Tamil people who voted for President Sirisena expected to be relieved of that pressure first and foremost.

They wanted to get back the land occupied by the army camps. And obtain the release of their relatives held in these camps for no reason. These are problems disrupting ordinary community life in the North.

Moreover, the public witnessed what happened in the recent past. Karuna Amman who was responsible for the massacre of 600 policemen has been offered a post in the SLFP as a Vice President.

A poor man who offered him a meal is being held captive labelled as a terrorist.

Just think whether these issues will not cause a justifiable hatred and pain among the Tamil society. It is to change this situation that the Tamils voted for President Sirisena and elected a new government to power.

The speech made by the Deputy Defence Minister made the Tamils believe that the new government was acting according to the earlier system. The shattering of their hopes expedited this resolution.

Q: Cannot other Provinces also adopt resolutions of this nature arguing that Sinhala people were massacred by Tiger Terrorists?

A: I agree. Tiger terrorism caused untold hardship not only to Sinhalese but also to Tamils. I am fully aware of it. It makes me desist from taking any communal step that would harm the impression about me by the Sinhalese, as you mentioned earlier.

I wish to emphasise that this resolution had no communal undertones. I have no need to break that fair understanding made about me either. But this resolution raises a foundation needed to foster communal harmony to go forward after ending Tiger terrorism.

Tamils suffered injustice much before the advent of Tiger terrorism.

The 'Sinhala Only' Act of 1956, tearing up of the Tamil Special Provisions Act due to pressure exerted by Buddhist monks and introduction of standardisation for minority admissions to universities in 1971 are cross-roads we cannot forget. Let us all go for a genuine discussion about these things and come to an agreement.

It is then that the foundation needed to go forward in unison safeguarding mutual identities can be built. We have brought a resolution to motivate everyone to pay attention to these basic facts.

Q: There is a long history of communal incitement in out politics that suppress the understanding needed for national unity as pointed out by you. In such a situation cannot resolutions of this nature harm hopes for a united nation?

A: Your question has two sections. One is a united country and the other the raising of communalism in politics.

I will never for a moment deviate from the position that Tamil people's problems should be solved within a united Sri Lanka.

I CONTESTED the Provincial Council elections as the Chief Ministerial candidate too on the standpoint that our problems should be solved within a united Sri Lanka.

As a former Justice of the Supreme Court, I always speak with the understanding that the unity and territorial integrity of Sri Lanka should be protected. I also work with that understanding. There is no hope or aspiration whatsoever for a separate State.

The Sinhalese should understand that even in a united country we have differences endemic to us. We have a separate language and religion. We have a land with climatic differences. Everyone should understand that Tamil people should have an independence and a corresponding power suited for such differences within a united country.

The other factor is arousing communalism in politics. Actually this is happening not only in the North but also the South. I admit that there is a type of politics inciting people on both sides by talking of a bogus patriotism.

What we ought to do is to make a sincere attempt to resolve justifiable grievances and problems without pushing people towards communal politics. The Government should take the initiative towards it. The Provincial Council could also take the initiative for it.

Q: Someone can say that you brought a resolution of this nature to arouse communal feelings among Tamils for popularity's sake?

A: I wish to re-emphasise that this resolution was brought to draw the attention of the Sinhala people and the outside world towards the people of the North.

Q: Whenever the word Northern Provincial Council is mentioned, the South gets a feeling as if it is a path for a separate State. Don't you think that impression is further compounded when you speak of independence for Tamils?

A: The actual problem here is suspicion. Tiger terrorists wanted separatism. Therefore, it is justifiable for Sinhalese to entertain a fear about territorial integrity when looking at the North.

But just because of that is it fair to consider the Tamil people as terrorists. We have not infused the basis of Tiger terrorism to our type of politics we talk of the independence of Tamil civilian life within a united Sri Lanka.

The South must understand this. They should not look at the North with suspicion.

It is then that the people of the North will have confidence in the South. If not, how are we to move forward from here? But I want to emphasise one thing. There is no mutual suspicion among the Tamil and Sihhala ordinary public. It is the opportunistic politicians on both sides who create this suspicion.

Q: Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa had claimed that President Sirisena won the election with the help of Eelam votes and that he would have won if he, Mahinda had not granted voting rights to the North. What do the people in the North feel about that statement?

A: I consider it as a very grave statement harming the country's opportunity to mend fences among communities and take a united journey as one nation.

Earlier there were claims that the people of the North were with the Tigers. By doing so a wedge was created between the South and the North.

Today, they are trying to separate the people of the North saying they voted to bring a Sinhala leader to power. Isn't this real madness? When we put forward proposals for the rights of the Tamil people I call upon the Sinhala people concerned about it to think of this attempt to create divisions.

Please think according to your conscience and decide whether the country's unity is harnessed when one calls upon to look at Tamil problems in a fair manner or when this type of mean talk is made to arouse communal patriotism in the South.

Q: I wish to briefly deviate from this discussion. Vasudeva Nanayakkara is your relative. But he is one of the main characters supporting the activities taken by Mahinda Rakapaksa in arousing communalism in the South. Social websites had said while your relative is arousing communalism in the south you are arousing communalism in the north . . .

A: I wish to categorically state it will not arouse Tamil Communalism in any way. Vasu is a longstanding friend. That turned into a relationship when my son married his daughter.

That friendship and relationship is still steadfast but unless for a family need we hardly meet and talk to each other. We never discuss politics. All meetings and discussions are all about this friendship and relationship only.

Q: Grave political and social problems have occurred between various communities and religions in this world on the basis of cultural differences. How did the Sinhalese and Tamils who have many cultural affinities more towards such divisions? Do they need to go for such a division?

A: These two communities have been divided CONTINUOUSLY to satisfy political needs. I think that should not be so any more. That is how I engage in politics.

Both sides should understand past incidents. My stand is that this division should not be carried forward. It is difficult to correct the future unless you are aware of the past incidents.

I am now 75 years old. I spent most of life from childhood among the Sinhala people. What I understood was then there was no such division among the Sinhala populace which cannot be rectified. This is the same with Tamils.

The Sinhalese were avid listeners of Tamil songs. They viewed Tamil films, Northern people viewed Sinhala films and considered Gamini Fonseka and Vijaya Kumaratunga as idols.

There were people crazy for Sinhala films in the north this proves that we had no divisions in cultural context. The present generation is unaware of these matters. They witnessed war throughout life and formed a mentality that Sinhalese were causing an injustice to them.

The new generation in the south too is unaware of these things. They are wondering about any injustice caused to Tamils. Our responsibility today is to bring them together by mending this division.

Q: As much as opportunist politics disrupt communal harmony does not India's political role influence it too - specially the South Indian influence?

A: One country influencing another country is a common feature in world politics and is not a new thing. As a country what we ought to do is not to provide ammunition to it. During this war nearly 200,000 people escaped to India.

Those who went there started relating the ordeals their brethren faced during the War.

This helped to kindle feelings among south Indian people to the effect that Sinhalese did not give any room to the Tamils. Then a human problem occurred which could not be oppressed by anyone. The story does not end there.

The message spread throughout India and the whole world thereafter. It even went to Geneva. When a country's problems go to the outside world there are always countries or political forces trying to intervene and turn it to their advantage.

Just look at the postponement of the UNHCR resolution due in March to September. This is the type of behaviour of international politics.

But the people of the north do not like it. They think that the discussions about the injustice caused to them had been postponed.

This postponement may not do any good to the northern people. But another country may see this as a political advantage to it. This is the way with the world.

What the government must do is to prevent the problem caused to the country by it and do some justice without allowing the problem to go out to the world.

What I say is that the government should take the initiative to create natural harmony and reconciliation.

Translated by D.P. Wickremasingh

மகிந்த பலம் - நுகேகொட

இன்றைய யாழ்ப்பாணம் - ஒரு பார்வை

(அரசியல் அபத்தங்களுக்கு அப்பால்)- இன்றைய யாழ் மக்களின் ஒரு குறுக்கு வெட்டு அழகுக் காட்சி ஆவணம்

China moots trilateral cooperation with India, Sri Lanka

China moots trilateral cooperation with India, Sri Lanka
Press Trust of India  |  Beijing  February 27, 2015 Last Updated at 17:57 IST

China today proposed trilateral cooperation involving India and Sri Lanka for regional stability as the new government in Colombo sought to re-balance its ties with China, preferring to follow a "non-aligned" policy. 

"China is open-minded about trilateral cooperation between China, India (and) Sri Lanka," Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said during a joint press conference with Sri Lankan counterpart Mangala Samaraweera. 

"I want to say both India and Sri Lanka are China's cooperative partners in South Asia," Wang said. 

Samaraweera is the first Sri Lankan official to visit Beijing since president Mahinda Rajapaksa's defeat in polls this January. China made significant investments in Sri Lanka during Rajapaksa's tenure, raising concerns in India. 

Samaraweera's visit to China will be followed by new Sri Lankan President Maithripala Sirisena's next month. 

New Govt. reshaping foreign policy

New Govt. reshaping foreign policy

Hardly has the country finished celebrating its 67th year of Independence from the yoke of four centuries of foreign rule, than her Foreign Minister jets off to Britain and then the United States of America, brief in hand, to plead the country’s case to be treated as a respectable member of the comity of nations.

Sri Lanka’s more recent foreign policy initiatives have been a total disaster. Towards the end of his term, even the former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, while proclaiming his achievements on many fronts, conceded that there were shortcomings in the running of his foreign policy. This was an understatement, and he was to blame for it himself as he interfered directly in appointments to the Foreign Service and allowed a nonplussed Minister and a freelance ‘Monitor’ to run the Foreign Office to the ground. On foreign policy per se, they veered away from Non-alignment, made enemies with the West, and angered India with their overtly pro-China stance.

This Government is now on a repair mission and the new Minister (though not new to the post) has a major task at hand. Having made his initial working visits to India and the European Union (EU), he proceeds to London and then to Washington where he will meet his counterpart. His final stop will be the United Nations where he is SLOTTED to meet the Secretary General. His predecessor in the job was afraid of visiting the US capital or New York and engaging the Americans and the UN. Used only to lecturing he could not listen to them, nor did he have the capacity to engage and counsel his interlocutors.

It was he who completely misread diplomatic signals and gave his president the ‘dead rope’ that the US would not sponsor a resolution against Sri Lanka at the UNHRC (United Nations Human Rights Council) in Geneva. This resolution calling for a probe into allegations of war crimes TARGETED the country’s political leaders and its Armed Forces. Foolishly trying to play hardball with the West, we lost vote after vote, pinning our hopes on China and Russia. We also adopted a crazy ‘Look Africa’ policy purely to win votes in Geneva. Today, that resolution is still on the table at the UNHRC calling for a ‘credible investigation’ on the last stages of the military campaign against the LTTE in 2009. A tentative effort no sooner this Government came to office to ‘dump the resolution’ was baulked at, and appears to have made no headway.

The new Government has rightly pledged to ensure the protection of those members of the Armed Forces who fought a blood-thirsty terrorist organisation, overcame it, and brought peace to this country.

This ‘war against terror’ was fought amidst Western pressure, lobbied heavily by the Sri Lankan Diaspora to stop the fighting and give a lifeline to the LTTE leaders. To former President Rajapaksa must go the credit for resisting that pressure and seeing to the end of that reign of terror. His successor, President Maithripala Sirisena, speaking at the Independence Day celebrations on Tuesday, paid a tribute to his predecessor for completing that onerous task. But ill-advised as he was, the former President adopted a wrongheaded policy to CONTINUE rubbing the West on the wrong side after the battlefield victory.

The country faced the consequence of the West’s wrath. In the US the Leahy Amendment of 2010 for the first time restricted aid to Sri Lanka tying it to good behavior on the human rights front. The EU sent 15 demands (which were ignored) prior to stopping GSP+ TRADE concessions to Sri Lanka. By offering a trade-off, the new Government has promised a “credible domestic investigation”. This was what the then Government ought to have initiated straightaway, but dragged its feet instead to bring the situation to where it is now. This promise will now have to be kept. Merely because the US Assistant Secretary of State visited Colombo this week and pledged to work together with the new Government, or the Minister of Foreign Affairs is visiting Washington next week to mend fences, the UNHRC resolution will not melt away so easily. But the moves will, hopefully help ease the tension between the West and Sri Lanka and a reasonable compromise would be to give the new Government time to get its act together, thus getting a postponement from the UNHRC sessions in March going deeper into the resolution.

The resolution can be laid by till September this year when the UNHRC meets again. By which time it is hoped, the heavy hand of the West/US will be taken off, reconciliation between the North and the Government in the South would be in better shape, and the country can move on from the bitter memories of the virtual ‘civil war’ of yesteryear.

In Washington next week, the Minister will have more on his plate to deal with than mending fences and dealing with the UNHRC resolution. Full engagement in the diplomatic, political, economic, trade and INVESTMENT spheres will need to be discussed.

It is an open secret that the former US Ambassador in Colombo reached out to the Opposition, especially the then Leader of the Opposition and thus moved away from an exclusive engagement with the former President in the belief that they (the Opposition) would somehow want to build up the relationship with the US if elected to office. The Rajapaksa Presidency saw this coming, but rather than defuse the moves and engage the US constructively, it jumped headlong into a policy of US bashing, accusing NGOs of being instrumental in ‘regime change’ measures and misreading the growing Indo-US axis. The US was in no doubt, it seems, that their Sri Lanka policy required to rebalance the outreach away from the Rajapaksa Administration.

While in Washington, the Minister might also want to study the expenses incurred in managing the embassy there over the years, and the cavalier way it was run. This mission at one stage did not have a single career diplomat in service. The transactions over the mission building were covered in scandal. US-based public relations firms were recruited to write even press releases, so pathetic was its capability. Lobbying firms were paid for by the Central BANK and from private addresses in Colombo. This newspaper has already catalogued these shady deals as they happened then.

But whatever the Foreign Minister agrees to in Washington, he will need to deliver in Sri Lanka. He cannot be seen to have capitulated in the face of Western pressure and sacrifice the Sri Lankan Armed Forces at the altar of diplomatic expediency. There is also the political cost factor; another election is due. Those who lost the recent elections are baying from the sidelines that a ‘sell-out’ is imminent. It would not be in the interest of the West to give that anti-West lobby the whip hand either. In New York, the Minister is also scheduled meet the US ambassador to the UN, Samantha Powers. It is a good move because her clout with the US President on the Sri Lanka issue is not to be under-estimated.

Sixty seven years ago, on the eve of Independence, the first Prime Minister of Lanka, D.S. Senanayake said in his Call to the Nation ; “Freedom carries with it grave responsibilities. Our acts and omissions henceforth are our own. No longer can we lay the blame for defects and errors in our administration on others”.

That is the price of freedom. With freedom comes responsibilities.

Source: Editorial