A conversation that cannot be delayed

The Island 2025/01/27

Academic Freedom:

by Anushka Kahandagamage

The recent cancellation of the lecture ‘How to Fight Against the IMF Austerity Programme,’ organised by the International Youth and Students for Social Equality (IYSSE-Sri Lanka) at the University of Peradeniya, sparked a buzz about academic freedom in the country—though not to a significant extent.

In Sri Lanka, academic freedom is a topic that is rarely discussed and often understood in a limited sense, which diminishes its significance. However, I believe academic freedom is closely linked to the overall spirit and practice of democracy in society and should be integrated into the education system not only at the tertiary level, but also at earlier stages of education.

The discourse

The discourse on academic freedom, as I understand it, is closely tied to the entire education system. Violations of academic freedom can occur due to factors such as the privatisation of education, militarisation of education, cuts to the budget for the humanities and social sciences, politicisation of the university system, and issues related to gender and diversity, among others. Together, these factors can create an ecosystem in which academic freedom is at serious risk.

State Interference and Politicisation

One of the most pervasive forms of violating academic freedom is state interference in academic matters and the politicization of universities. The state can intervene in the university system at various levels, such as threatening academics who speak out against the government or other nation states with close ties to it, especially when those states are involved in human rights abuses and war. At the same time, discouraging and banning research which are seen as a threat to the existing power structures or creating an eco-system in which scholars are scared to conduct research and write on specific themes.

Another form of politicisation of universities that also impacts academic freedom is the direct and indirect interference of state and professors in authority in the recruitment process. The decline in the standards of faculty recruitments is a pressing concern within the academic landscape. University academic departments, if which many come under humanities and social sciences, increasingly adopt the practice of recruiting individuals with bachelor’s degrees for positions as lecturers and assistant lecturers. Sri Lanka stands out as possibly one of the very few countries in South Asia where individuals, armed only with a bachelor’s degree, can commence teaching sociology or any other discipline in universities and oversee dissertation research at the undergraduate level. This shift in recruitment practices has consequences for the academic rigour within university departments. These recruitments are often based on favouritism from academics in positions of power or political interference. They are frequently made to bring in passive academics who are submissive to the system and have little understanding of what academic freedom truly means.

Privatisation of Education

While the privatis x+ation of education has been a topic of discussion in many left-wing academic circles for a long time, a solution does not seem imminent or likely in the near future. Privatisation will affect the autonomy of the education at all levels, setting the agendas relevant to market forces and obstructing critical and innovative thinking, which foster human values and challenge the foundation of market-driven society and forms of authoritarianism. Further, privatisation of education undermines academic freedom, as its focus is to maintain the exploitative capitalist system and justify it.

Budget Cuts in Humanities and Social Sciences

All over the world, Humanities and Social Sciences departments of Universities are facing budget cuts. Whenever there is a deficit of funds, universities tend to eliminate some departments and reduce the size of those within the Humanities and Social Sciences by laying off faculty and cutting budgets. For example, in 2022, I experienced the consequences of budget cuts to the humanities firsthand, when the University of Otago, which I was attending at the time, was struggling with funding. It affected many departments within the Humanities and Social Sciences. These are forms of violating academic freedom—the freedom to study and research subjects that students and faculty are passionate about, and for academics to have stable careers. However, by eliminating some departments from the university system or reducing the capacity of departments within the Humanities and Social Sciences, the very concept of academic freedom becomes invisible within the system.

Militarisation of Education

Militarisation of education and academic freedom lies in contrast to each other. Militarising education will have serious consequences. On one hand, it will diminish the value of other knowledge systems. On the other hand, military institutions will foster compliance rather than critical thinking, producing citizens who unquestioningly obey authority and power. This shift would lead to a society where injustice goes unchallenged and human rights violations become commonplace. This is particularly concerning because education in this situation will play a crucial role in shaping ideologies that reinforce military structures.

The public’s understanding of what is ‘common sense’ would be conditioned by military values. Against a background where military institutions are handling or influencing higher education, the idea of academic freedom will diminish. For an example, in any country, the military will generally align itself with the state. In this kind of situation, research which may be critical of the authoritarian state will not take place within the premises of territory education institutes, which are run by the military. The same applies more generally to all other territory education entities in countries under heavy military influence.

New Normal

The lack of updated knowledge within academic institutions often leads to an environment where critical thinking is marginalised, and discussions on academic freedom are suppressed, erased or the university community is unaware of its existence. When faculty and students are not encouraged or equipped with the latest knowledge, they are less able to critically engage with contemporary issues or challenge the status quo. This stifles the kind of intellectual inquiry that is central to academic freedom.

In Sri Lanka, there is a growing trend of uncritical thinking becoming the norm, both among academics and students. Many academics, particularly those in positions of authority, are reluctant to voice opinions that challenge the prevailing political, social, or economic systems, or rather they intend and make an effort to sustain the very system which supress the critical thinking. This is partly due to fear of political or institutional repercussions, and partly because many have become accustomed to a system where conformity has become the easy way and is also profitable socially and financially.

Students, who are following in the footsteps of their passive and unvocal professors, lack, even the mere ability to see the injustice of the system and to understand the importance of academic freedom. Instead of becoming creative and responsive critical thinkers, these students would more likely choose the easy way: get the degree certificate and leave the university. This lack of intellectual challenge diminishes the role of universities as spaces for critical thought and social progress, effectively erasing important conversations about academic freedom, democracy, and justice.

Against this backdrop of silence, submissive academics are becoming the new norm. In societies like ours, which are healing from institutionalised violence are deeply undemocratic, and have experienced widespread human rights violations from both the state and other parties, constant dialogue and action are needed to foster a healthy democracy and intellectual growth. As academic freedom diminishes, so does the capacity for meaningful discourse and social change. Without a vibrant exchange of ideas, universities become less places of learning and more sites of conformity, where questioning the system is seen as dangerous or unnecessary.

First batch of imported salt arrives in Sri Lanka

January 27, 2025

The first batch of imported salt, totalling 1,485 metric tons, arrived in Sri Lanka today, the State Trading Corporation (STC) announced.

The Cabinet of Ministers had recently approved the import of 30,000 metric tons of salt.

The move was to address the current shortage of salt in the local market due to challenges faced by local salterns during the recent monsoon season. 

As such, Cabinet approval has been granted for the import of salt from India until 28 February 2025. 

Meanwhile, providing an update on the salt imports last week, STC Chairman Ravindra Fernando said an additional 12,500 metric tons is expected by January 31. 

He further said that two importers have been authorized to import salt from India to meet the country’s demand. (Newswire)

Coconut shortage: Govt. in discussion with pvt. sector on imports

27 Jan 2025 | BY Sahan Tennekoon TM

The Government is considering the importation of coconut pieces required for export industries, stated the Ministry of Trade, Commerce, and Food Security.

This, following calls from coconut exporters for permission to address the anticipated coconut shortage.

Speaking to The Daily Morning yesterday, Deputy Minister of Trade, Commerce, and Food Security R.M. Jayawardena stated that a final decision on coconut imports is yet to be made. However, he mentioned that discussions are ongoing to allow companies or exporters to import coconuts according to their requirements. “We have held several discussions on this matter, but a final decision has not been reached,” he said.

He clarified that whole coconuts will not be imported; only coconut pieces will be allowed. He also noted that while the coconut harvest would be sufficient for consumption, its use in various industries and commercial purposes has created a shortage. Furthermore, he assured that coconuts from State-owned lands (Janawasama) would not be auctioned, but would instead be sold at Sathosa outlets for consumer purposes.

The Deputy Minister added that coconut prices could be maintained at a concessionary level from March onwards, as the coconut harvest begins to enter the market during that time. “We have two seasons for coconut harvesting. The first season begins in March, which increases the supply to the market. This will help us stabilise the prices at a favourable level,” he explained.

Last week, the Ceylon Chamber of Coconut Industries highlighted that Sri Lanka’s continued decline in coconut production might necessitate the importation of coconuts for domestic consumption. They also called for the inclusion of substantial fertiliser subsidies in the upcoming Budget.

Yoshitha Rajapaksa granted bail

January 27, 2025   

Yoshitha Rajapaksa, the second son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who had been remanded in custody, has been granted bail after being produced before the Colombo Magistrate’s Court this morning (27).

Accordingly, he was ordered to be released on two surety bails of Rs. 50 million each by Colombo Additional Magistrate Manjula Rathnayake, following an extended hearing of the facts.

The Additional Magistrate, who also imposed an overseas travel ban on Rajapaksa, ordered the Immigration and Emigration Controller to be informed in this regard.

Meanwhile, Yoshitha Rajapaksa was ordered to appear at the Sri Lanka Police Financial Crimes Investigation Division on the last Sunday of every month, also ordered against the influencing of any witnesses in the case.

The Additional Magistrate, while declaring his decision, ordered that the suspect be released on bail in accordance with the provisions of the Bail Act, as the prosecution has failed to present sufficient and satisfactory evidence to warrant further remand.

On January 25, Yoshitha Rajapaksa was arrested by CID officers in the Beliatta area under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act, and produced before Aluthkade No. 5 Additional Magistrate Pavithra Sanjeevani. Accordingly, he was remanded under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act until January 27 after being produced before the Colombo Additional Magistrate.

This followed the recording of a statement before the CID.

The arrest came after the Attorney General notified the CID on January 23, stating there was sufficient evidence for Yoshitha Rajapaksa to be named as a respondent in a land case valued at Rs. 34 million.

The case involves Yoshitha’s grandmother, Daisy Forrest Wickremesinghe, also known as ‘Daisy Achchi’, at Sirimal Pedesa in Ratmalana.

The primary suspect in the case, which is still pending, is Daisy Forrest, who is also Yoshitha Rajapaksa’s grandmother.

Rajapaksa family’s financial deals probed as multiple money laundering cases against Yoshitha

January 27, 2025   

The Colombo Magistrate’s Court today (27) granted bail to Yoshitha Rajapaksa, the second son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, who was remanded under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act. 

The decision came after a lengthy hearing presided over by Colombo Additional Magistrate Manjula Ratnayake.

Rajapaksa was released on two surety bails of Rs. 50 million each, with additional bail conditions imposed. These include an overseas travel ban, monthly reporting to the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) on the last Sunday of each month, and a strict directive to avoid influencing witnesses.

During the trial, the court was told that the charges against Yoshitha Rajapaksa stem from multiple investigations related to alleged money laundering activities. 

Additional Solicitor General Dilipa Peiris, representing the FCID, presented evidence linking the suspect to suspicious property transactions, including the purchase of a Rs. 350 million house in Sirimal Mawatha, Ratmalana, in 2012.

Investigations revealed the property was acquired in the name of Daisy Forrest, the grandmother of the suspect, who had worked in modest positions such as a hospital employee, teacher, and hostel warden, Peiris stated, noting that her declared income was insufficient to support such a purchase, and her statements to police were inconsistent, suggesting involvement of undisclosed funds.

The Additional Solicitor General mentioned that further inquiries uncovered the deed to the property in the possession of an individual, Palitha Gamage, who claimed it was given to him by former President Mahinda Rajapaksa. 

The Additional Solicitor General argued this demonstrated an attempt to obscure the true ownership of the property and highlighted concerns over undisclosed income and the circulation of laundered money.

He also detailed Yoshitha Rajapaksa’s income as a Navy Lieutenant from 2006 to 2016, where his monthly salary of Rs. 73,000 was directly credited to his account without withdrawals. The prosecution questioned how such limited income could justify the purchase of a high-value property.

President’s Counsel Sampath Mendis, representing the defendant, countered that the investigation into the property transaction began over eight years ago and has not reached a conclusion. He noted that the primary suspect, Daisy Forrest, was released on bail without being remanded, and argued that it was unfair to hold Yoshitha Rajapaksa in custody when the main suspect had been granted leniency.

Mendis also emphasized the delayed progress of the investigation, highlighting that case files were forwarded to the Attorney General’s Department in 2018 but remain unresolved. He urged the court to release the suspect on bail under appropriate conditions.

In his ruling, Additional Magistrate Manjula Ratnayake emphasized the importance of freezing assets involved in money laundering cases. However, he noted that the property in question had not been frozen. 

While acknowledging the seriousness of the case, the Additional Magistrate stated that the prosecution failed to provide sufficient evidence to justify further remanding the suspect.

The Additional Magistrate dismissed the prosecution’s argument that public unrest and the gravity of the charges warranted continued detention, stating that remanding a suspect requires substantive evidence rather than generalized claims.

Based on the facts presented, the court ruled in favor of releasing Yoshitha Rajapaksa on bail, while reiterating the need for continued investigation into the allegations.

However, the Additional Solicitor General Dilipa Peiris, representing the FCID, stated to the court that this case is part of a broader investigation involving three separate money laundering allegations against Yoshitha Rajapaksa. These include:

-The purchase of a Rs. 50 million worth house in Dehiwala
-Investments in the CSN Channel
-The purchase of the Rs. 350 million Ratmalana property

The investigations will continue under the FCID, with further court proceedings expected, Ada Derana reporter said.⍐