Former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa this week released his book titled “The Conspiracy: How Internationally Sponsored Regime Change Made a Mockery of Democracy in Sri Lanka”. Excerpts:
Sunday Times:
On opposition to his election:
–“The only reason I won the 2019 presidential election with over 52% of the vote was because of the Sinhala vote.”
–“From the time I was nominated as a candidate for the presidency, large sections of the Tamil population, the Muslim population, the overseas Tamil groups, the foreign funded NGOs and certain countries with large expatriate Tamil populations were openly hostile to the thought of having me as the President of Sri Lanka. Sections of the Roman Catholic Church joined this group after I became President.”
On the politics of a two-thirds majority
Winning a two-thirds majority in Parliament brought with it “a raft of new problems”. While the government secured 150 seats in Parliament, the constitution limited the number of ministerial portfolios. Their parliamentary group had MPs who had been ministers in several previous governments but they could not all be accommodated in the Cabinet or even as State Ministers.
–“From the time we got that two thirds majority in Parliament, in August 2020, it was a downhill slide, politically speaking.”
On too many Rajapaksas in positions of power
–“I did not want to appoint many members of the Rajapaksa family to various positions.” But when they are voted in at number one position in their districts, voters expect them to get positions so they can do something for the district.
–“One of the accusations levelled at me was that even though I claimed to be doing things differently, that in reality I consolidated the power of the Rajapaksa family further and that under me there were more members of the family holding ministerial office than there was even under Mahinda Rajapaksa. To be sure, under my Presidency, there were five Rajapaksas in the Cabinet…”
They were himself, Chamal, Mahinda, Basil and Namal. His nephew, Shashindra, was a State Minister and Nipuna Ranawaka was the District Coordinating Committee Chairman for Matara.
On the disadvantage of not being party leader
–“The fact that I was not leading the party meant that I did not have much political power. For example, I was not involved in preparing the SLPP national list or the district nomination lists.”
–“The fact that we had 150 MPs became a disadvantage rather than an advantage. We started off with disgruntled elements in our midst. This is what made it easier for our opponents to destroy us. I can now say through experience that whoever becomes President should be the leader of the political party as well”.
–“Usually people spend years in a political party rising through the ranks as parliamentarians and ministers before becoming President. But when I became President, there were many people in our parliamentary group with whom I had not had much interaction.”
On personal problems
–“Basil was in control of the SLPP. When members of the ruling coalition picked a quarrel with Basil that too had an impact on me as the head of the government. Wimal and Udaya had personal issues with Basil.”
–“Everybody knows that the ban on dual citizens contesting elections was brought in by the 19th amendment…. But when we were trying to repeal the 19th amendment, some of our own people objected to repealing the ban on dual citizens contesting elections. This was entirely due to their opposition to Basil.”
On the breakup of the coalition
–“What contributed to this situation was that I was not an office bearer of the party and that Mahinda Rajapaksa did not get involved in politics as in the past…However, Mahinda Rajapaksa’s silence was one of the main reasons for the breakup of the coalition and the party. Mahinda Rajapaksa had over half a century of political experience and a factor that we could have used to our advantage but failed [sic].”
–“There were also various individuals and groups that believed that their support was crucial in ensuring that I was elected to power and they expected me to do what they wanted. These are the problems that emerge when somebody like me gets elected to power.”
On depoliticisation attempts backfiring
Overall, his “experiment in not appointing party loyalists to key government positions” was unsuccessful.
–“Some of those political appointees for the most part behaved exactly the same way as political appointees—their only aim was to use the position they got, to further a career in politics.”
–“A matter that was under discussion in political circles in the months following my ouster was the manner in which certain so called apolitical appointees who held positions in my government played a major role in funding and organising the aragalaya against my government. Fifth columnists were present not only within the country but within my government as well”.
On the failed organic farming initiative and Chinese fertiliser
–“I have openly admitted that the way the organic farming initiative of my government was implemented was a failure and a mistake.”
–“Though some think that the ban on the import of chemical fertiliser was taken suddenly and without much consultation, the shift to organic farming was a matter that had been under discussion in my government from the earliest days and it was an integral part of my manifesto ‘Vistas of Prosperity’.”
–“But when Sri Lanka tried to import some organic fertiliser, unanticipated problems cropped up which had all the hallmarks of the deliberate sabotage that usually accompanies regime change projects.” (Reference is to the aborted organic fertiliser import from Qingdao Seawin Biotech Group of China).
On the Mirihana protest and attack on private residence
–“SIS Director Suresh Sallay who was also at the wedding reception, arrived at the scene and when he arrived, only around a hundred or so had been at the demonstration. But the police, STF and army personnel deployed in the area had been inactive since no one had given them instructions as to what had to be done. Sallay had taken a video call to Shavendra [Silva] and Kamal [Gunaratne] and shown them the crowd present but instructions still did not come down the hierarchy to disperse the crowd. Ultimately Sallay and some other army officers had taken it upon themselves to disperse the mob as some elements in the crowd had turned violent…”
–“By around 2 am that night, the crowds had been dispersed. Around 10.30 am the following morning, the Army Commander/CDS [Shavendra Silva] and Defence Secretary [Kamal Gunaratne] arrived at my Mirihana residence.”
On the composition of the ‘aragalaya’
–“The minority communities were well represented within the aragalaya because each had a motivating factor to be there.”
–“There were NGO related foreign funded liberal political activists, youtubers [sic], and social media activists, then there were the usual opposition types associated with various political parties, the JVP, FSP (Peratugami Party), SJB and the UNP….Virtually all of those at the Galle Face argalaya site were those who would have opposed me anyway.”
–“From day one, the so called argalaya was an operation inimical to Sinhala and particularly Sinhala-Buddhist interests, and it was well supported by foreign interests that had much the same objectives.”
On destabilisation by Fifth Columnists
–“It would be extremely naïve for anyone to claim that there was no foreign hand in the moves made to oust me from power.”
–“These foreign powers maintain a permanent cadre of activists to promote their agenda in this country and can at short notice deploy dozens of commentators, speakers, writers to create public opinion on
Sri Lanka…. Money is just one way of buying influence. Granting a permanent residence visa, giving a scholarship to the offspring of important persons, ‘research’ grants or even a simple foreign trip will even be enough to induce certain people to act against the national interest of their country.”
–“ Thus we had a toxic mix of foreign money, geopolitical interests and notions of [liberal] ideological superiority all coming together at a strategically appropriate time to achieve the objectives of certain parties in Sri Lanka.”
On the Easter Sunday attacks
By mid-January 2022, the Cardinal started saying it was evident certain leaders used the 2019 Easter Sunday terror attacks to their political advantage.
–“What was now being alleged in so many words was that eight Muslim fanatics had launched a suicide attack in order to make me president”. The souring of relations is rooted in the Cardinal being dissatisfied with the investigation.
– “The Cardinal’s pronouncements are creating more divisions in an already divided country. The icing on the cake will be when the Cardinal’s campaign based on wrong assumptions and conjecture against those not responsible for the Easter Sunday bombings results in yet another government that is totally dependent on the Muslim vote like the government of 2015-2019 and is unwilling to do anything to stop the spread of Islamic extremism in the country.”
On the failure of intelligence
–“If an organised mob can make its way to Colombo completely unopposed and then proceed to take over the President’s House, the Presidential Secretariat, the Prime Minister’s Office and the Prime Minister’s official residence and to burn down the private residence of the incumbent Prime Minister, that can only be described as a law and order debacle.”
–“…though the intelligence service performed well in pandemic related duties, they completely missed the build-up of politically-motivated mobs on the social media.”
–“Where a situation arises, the standard operating procedures are implemented automatically. In the months of May and July 2022 none of this happened the way it was meant to.”
On “structural shortcomings” that led to the debacle
One issue was there wasn’t much of a seniority gap between Defence Secretary Kamal Gunaratne and Army Commander Shavendra Silva. Both were Divisional Commanders during the war and saw themselves more or less as equals.
–“Whether the two got on well was doubtful. The Army Commander and Defence Secretary were working at cross purposes at times with the Army Commander disregarding instructions of the Defence Secretary. Kamal Gunaratne may not have had the same control over the armed services that I had as Defence Secretary because of these reasons.”
–“…strict protocols must be enforced to regulate, monitor and limit the interactions senior officers of the armed services, police and the intelligence services have with the staff of foreign embassies. Visits by foreign Ambassadors to military installations should also be stopped.”
On why he resigned
–“Many people have asked me why I resigned from the Presidency. There was in fact a major foreign power that was insisting that I should not resign and they had demonstrated their willingness to do whatever it takes to keep Sri Lanka supplied with essentials. Yet I resigned from the presidency [sic] to give the people of Sri Lanka some respite.”
Conspiracy to Oust Me from the Presidency: Gotabaya Accused RAW of Collaboration with Domestic Power Players.!
The former President of Sri Lanka, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, recently unveiled a book on March 7th, 2024, shedding light on the purported conspiracy that led to his abrupt departure from the country in March 2022. In his book, Rajapaksa alleges that he was forced out of office by the Indian Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), in collusion with Sri Lankan politician Ranil Wickremesinghe, due to his inclination towards fostering closer ties with China.
Rajapaksa's decision to pen down his account of the events that transpired is met with scepticism by many, who attribute his downfall not to any external conspiracy but rather to his own failings as a leader. His presidency was marked by widespread public discontent, stemming from allegations of authoritarianism, corruption, and incompetence in governance. The revelation of millions discovered in his room upon his departure further fueled public outrage.
The Indian intelligence agency, RAW, has been accused by Rajapaksa of orchestrating protests against him, citing his administration's record of human rights abuses, corruption scandals such as the MIG fighter jet controversy, and alleged suppression of dissent, including the targeting of journalists and the establishment of paramilitary units to stifle opposition.
Critics of Rajapaksa argue that his tenure was characterized by his lack of experience and temperament unsuitable for high office. Despite his background as a former military officer involved in the country's civil war, Rajapaksa's ascent to power was largely facilitated by familial connections rather than merit. His stint in the United States, where he worked at a petrol station, hardly equipped him with the expertise required to effectively lead the nation's defence forces, yet he assumed the role of Defense Secretary under his brother's presidency in 2005.
Viyathmaga: A Visionary Pathway or Political Propaganda?
In recent years, Sri Lanka has witnessed the emergence of Viyathmaga, an organization spearheaded by former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Launched with the purported aim of fostering intellectual discourse and driving socio-economic development, Viyathmaga has generated significant interest and controversy alike.
Origins and Objectives
Viyathmaga, translated as "Path of the Learned," was founded by Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2017, prior to his successful bid for the presidency in 2019. The organization positions itself as a platform for professionals, intellectuals, and entrepreneurs to contribute to the nation's progress through their expertise and ideas. Its objectives include promoting innovation, entrepreneurship, and good governance, ostensibly with the goal of advancing Sri Lanka's socio-economic landscape.
While Rajapaksa has claimed credit for ending the civil war in 2009, his detractors point to Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka's leadership in defeating the LTTE terrorist group. Furthermore, Rajapaksa's exploitation of the tragic Easter Sunday attacks in 2019, which claimed the lives of hundreds in coordinated bombings, served as a catalyst for his presidential bid later that year. However, his governance, reminiscent of a monarchy, failed to address the country's economic woes, resulting in widespread shortages of essential commodities such as fuel and medicine.
The economic crisis reached a tipping point in July 2022 when mass protests erupted across the country, with demonstrators occupying government buildings in Colombo. The Rajapaksa regime bore the brunt of public anger, accused of mismanagement, corruption, and exacerbating inflation. The once-adoring public, now grappling with food and fuel shortages, holds the Rajapaksas responsible for their plight. Gotabaya Rajapaksa returned to the country on Friday after a 52-day self-imposed exile, amidst the backdrop of the nation's worst-ever economic crisis. His return, marked by a warm reception from government officials, underscores the enduring influence he wields in the Indian Ocean nation, despite facing mounting criticism for his leadership.
Rajapaksa greeted with floral garlands upon disembarking from a commercial flight at the main international airport, was met by a welcoming party of ministers and politicians. The scene highlights the divisive nature of his legacy, with critics blaming him for steering the country into economic ruin, while supporters continue to rally behind him.
The former president fled Sri Lanka in mid-July under military escort, following widespread unrest and protests aimed at holding him accountable for the nation's unprecedented economic crisis. Unarmed crowds had stormed his official residence, signaling a dramatic turn of events for the once-powerful leader.
His resignation, sent from Singapore before his departure to Thailand, marked the end of his presidential immunity, leaving him vulnerable to potential legal repercussions. Rajapaksa's return, facilitated by his successor Ranil Wickremesinghe, has stirred controversy, with opposition politicians accusing Wickremesinghe of providing shelter to the Rajapaksa family.
Upon his return, Rajapaksa finds himself facing multiple charges, including his alleged involvement in the 2009 assassination of prominent newspaper editor Lasantha Wickrematunge. Rights activists have vowed to pursue legal action against him, both domestically and internationally, underscoring the challenges that lie ahead for the former president.
Despite the heightened security measures put in place to protect him, Rajapaksa's return comes at a time of deepening crisis for Sri Lanka. The country has been grappling with shortages of essential goods, lengthy power outages, and soaring inflation, exacerbated by a lack of foreign currency reserves and the economic fallout from the COVID-19 pandemic.
Rajapaksa's presidency, which began in 2019 with promises of prosperity and development, has been marred by accusations of mismanagement and corruption. His administration's policies, including unsustainable tax cuts and mounting government debt, have contributed to the country's current woes.
As Sri Lanka seeks to navigate its way out of the economic quagmire, Rajapaksa's return adds another layer of complexity to an already fraught political landscape. The international community will be closely watching developments in the country, as efforts to secure a much-needed bailout package from the International Monetary Fund signal a potential turning point in Sri Lanka's economic fortunes.
As Sri Lanka navigates through turbulent times, the legacy of Gotabaya Rajapaksa's presidency remains tarnished by allegations of incompetence and authoritarianism. Whether his account of a conspiracy orchestrated by foreign powers holds merit or not, the grievances of the Sri Lankan people against his administration serve as a stark reminder of the challenges facing the nation's political landscape.
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