இலண்டன் ’’போராட்டம்’’ 22/01/2011

என்று மடியுமெங்கள் அடிமையின் மோகம்!

Sri Lanka floods destroy crops

ராஜ மரியாதை!

ஈழத்தமிழர் இனப்படுகொலைக்கு துணைநின்ற சீன அரசுத் தலைவருக்கு ஒபாமா நாட்டில் செங்கம்பள வரவேற்பு!

Unlike Mr. Hu’s previous trip five years ago, when he was not accorded full honors and a series of gaffes marred the visit, this one seems to have gone exactly according to script — which is how Beijing likes largely ceremonial events such as state visits. There was a 21-gun salute, a gala dinner, business deals signed, a small child hugged, a major speech given and a live press conference that went about as well as could be expected for the press-shy Mr. Hu.

From China, Almost a Sigh of Relief

By IAN JOHNSON
Newyork Times Published: January 21, 2011

BEIJING — President Hu Jintao’s ground-breaking trip to the United States is not quite over, but the sense of relief here over how well it has gone is almost palpable. Unlike Mr. Hu’s previous trip five years ago, when he was not accorded full honors and a series of gaffes marred the visit, this one seems to have gone exactly according to script — which is how Beijing likes largely ceremonial events such as state visits. There was a 21-gun salute, a gala dinner, business deals signed, a small child hugged, a major speech given and a live press conference that went about as well as could be expected for the press-shy Mr. Hu.

From China’s point of view, the trip was designed to do two things: show Mr. Hu being accorded the respect he is due as head of a powerful country. That was the Washington part of the trip with all of its pomp and circumstance.

It was also meant to highlight China’s soft power by having Mr. Hu visit Chicago and inspect a Chinese company — to show that China is not just the world’s factory but an investor and job creator itself overseas. Also on the agenda was a Confucius Institute, one of the country’s new chain of cultural centers that Beijing is banking on to spread its influence in more subtle ways.

These goals contrasted with the more contentious concerns that Washington wanted to address, especially the tensions with North Korea, growing trade problems and the stubborn issue of human rights.

These issues could have made the trip much rockier than it was, especially since China today is more powerful than in visits past.

Meanwhile, perhaps reflecting its own weakened position, the United States also took a tough line in the lead-up to the meeting, with three top Obama administration officials issuing blunt statements about China’s need to change.

But in the end, harmony largely prevailed.

“China and the United States both had some doubts about the other in 2010, but this trip has successfully cleared people’s minds,” said Yuan Peng, a professor at the

China Institute of Contemporary International Relations in Beijing. “The Chinese media lavished attention on this trip.”

The latter was on full display on Thursday, when the ruling Communist party’s flagship newspaper, People’s Daily, did not appear as usual in the morning. In years past that would have been an epochal event, perhaps signaling to Sinologists an internal struggle over the wording of an editorial or the placing of a picture — so
carefully written and designed is the party mouthpiece.

Thursday’s delay was less mysterious, but did reflect the visit’s vital importance to Beijing. Leaders had held the presses until the end of the state dinner Wednesday night in order to get in Mr. Hu’s great moment. Given the 13-hour time difference between Washington and Beijing, that meant the Thursday paper only went to press late Thursday morning in Beijing and delivered Friday. Other top party newspaper followed suit.

Most accounts were fairly factual, detailed and dull. One article in People’s Daily was titled “To Open A New Chapter in the Sino-U.S. Cooperative Partnership.” The overall tenor was that the trip helped ease tensions and prevented a new Cold War from breaking out between the two powers.

Inasmuch as the American concerns were addressed in the media, it was to rebut them — for example, that China is a fair trader and doing its bit for the world economy by growing.

The one exception could have been human rights but it was dodged deftly. On Wednesday, two western reporters asked Mr. Hu about human rights. But Mr. Hu was well-prepared and had a stock answer at hand:

China values human rights but is a big, developing country and still needs to improve. The answer echoed the country’s official position paper on human rights and was not given much prominence in China. The press conference was not broadcast live on Chinese television but a video recording is available on major Chinese Web sites, like tudou.com.

“Hu’s comments reflect his nonconfrontational political style,” said Russell Leigh Moses, a Beijing-based political analyst. “He’s simply not going to get into a public debate with Obama on human rights, for he sees that as creating a poor atmosphere for other issues that Beijing deems more important to stabilizing the relationship.”

Ordinary people’s views of the visit were even harder to fathom. There are no major polls that track public opinion on matters such as this, leaving observers to rely on extremely selective sources, such as Internet chatrooms--which were under even tighter monitoring than usual--or casual chats with people on the street.

Most comments in chat rooms called the trip a success. One bellicose commentator in a military affairs chat room said the question about human rights was meant as a “provocation” to Mr. Hu because it was only brought up to embarrass him.

On the street, most people seemed concerned with the upcoming Chinese New Year holiday, the most important of the year when the country shuts down for nearly two weeks.

“I thought the visit looked good and Obama treated Hu very well,” said Li Tao, a 35-year-old storekeeper in Beijing. “But honestly I am paying more attention to the storms down south that might influence the transportation network. I need to get home for the holiday.”
Zhang Jing contributed research.

குறிப்பு:

மே 18 2009 முள்ளிவாய்க்கால் தேசிய இனப்படுகொலையின் முதலாண்டு நிறைவில் நாம் முன் வைத்த அரசியல் தீர்மானத்தில் சர்வதேச அரசியல் நிலைமை குறித்து பின்வரும் மதிப்பீட்டை முன்வைத்திருந்தோம்.

சர்வதேசிய அரசியல் நிலைமை

1) ஏகாதிபத்தியத்தின் ஏற்றத்தாழ்வான வளர்ச்சி காரணமாகவும், மூன்றாவது உலகப் பொதுப் பொருளாதார நெருக்கடியின் விளைவாகவும், இதனால் உருவான முரண்பாடுகளும் யுத்தங்களும், 21ம் நூற்றாண்டின் ஆரம்பத்தில்-மிகத் தெளிவாக- நான்கு புதிய ஆளும் வர்க்க சக்திகளை, ஒற்றைத்துருவ உலக ஒழுங்கமைப்பின் தலைவனாக இருந்த அமெரிக்க ஏகாதிபத்தியத்திற்கு சவாலாக உருவாக்கியுள்ளன.

அவையாவன: ஐரொப்பிய யூனியன், ரசியா, ஈரான், சீனா (Europian Union, Russia, Iran.,China, -ERIC) ஆகும்.வருங்காலத்தில் தென் அமெரிக்க நாடுகளின் ஒன்றியம் ஒன்று இவ்வணியில் இணையக்கூடும்.ஐரோப்பியன் யூனியன் இதர மூன்று நாடுகளுடனும் ஐக்கியப்படுவதற்கான அம்சங்களைக்காட்டிலும் அமெரிக்காவுடன் ஐக்கியப்படுவதற்கான அம்சங்களை அதிகம் கொண்டிருப்பது உண்மை.

2) இதனால் இது எந்தவகையிலும் ஒற்றைத்துருவ உலக ஒழுங்கமைப்பில் அடிப்படையான-தலைகீழான-மாறுதலை இன்னமும் கொணர்ந்துவிட வில்லையெனினும், ஒரு புதிய அணிசேர்க்கைக்கான ஆதாரக்கூறுகளைக் கொண்டிருக்கின்றன.அதை நோக்கி உலகம் நகரத்தொடங்கிவிட்டது. அணிசேர்க்கை துல்லியமாக எவ்வாறு அமையும் என்பதை இப்போது அநுமானிப்பது கடினமானதாகும்.

3) ரசிய சமூக ஏகாதிபத்தியத்தின் வீழ்ச்சிக்குப் பின்னால்- குறிப்பாக ஈராக் ஆக்கிரமிப்பு யுத்தத்துக்கு பின்னால்- உதயமான இத்தகைய ஒரு புதிய உலக சூழல் வரலாற்று வழியில் ஒரு திருப்பமாகும்.முந்தைய சூழலில் இருந்து வேறான ஒரு புதிய சூழலாகும்.

4) இச்சூழலை நகர்த்திச் செல்லும் ஆதிக்க சக்திகள் அடிப்படையில் செய்வது உலக மறு பங்கீடாகும்.இதனால் சுதந்திர தேசிய இயக்கங்களை நசுக்குவதை இவை தமது பொதுக்குறிக்கோளாகக் கொண்டுள்ளன.

5) இதற்கு யுத்தத்தையும், பாசிசத்தையுமே தமது ஆயுதமாக ஏந்தியுள்ளன.

6) இச் சூழல் அரைக்காலனிய ஆளும் கும்பல்களின் பேர "சுதந்திரத்தை'' அகலப்படுத்தியுள்ளது.

7) உள் நாடுகளில் ஜனநாயக, தேசிய சுதந்திர இயக்கங்களை நசுக்கும் பாசிச அரசுமுறையைப் பாதுகாத்துப் பலப்படுத்துகிறது. போசித்து வளர்க்கிறது.போற்றித் துதிக்கின்றது.

8) இப்பின்னணியில் தான் இலங்கையின் அரசியல், அதன் பல் முகங்களிலும் நகர்கிறது.இனிவருங் காலங்களில் இலங்கையின் அரசியல் திசைவழி இவ்வாறுதான் அமையப் போகின்றது.

எனவே மே 18 இற்குப் பிந்திய உள்நாட்டுச் சூழ்நிலையின் சாராம்சமான, தமிழ்த் தேசிய அழிப்புப் போக்கானது, சர்வதேச சூழ்நிலையை அநுசரித்து, ஆதரித்துச் செல்கிறது, என்பது குறிப்பான முக்கியத்துவம் உடையதாகும்.

இதன் நான்காவது அம்சத்தின் > 4) இச்சூழலை நகர்த்திச் செல்லும் ஆதிக்க சக்திகள் அடிப்படையில் செய்வது உலக மறு பங்கீடாகும்.இதனால் சுதந்திர தேசிய இயக்கங்களை நசுக்குவதை இவை தமது பொதுக்குறிக்கோளாகக் கொண்டுள்ளன.< சரியான தன்மையையே அமெரிக்க சீன உறவு வெளிப்படுத்துகின்றது.

படியுங்கள் பரப்புங்கள்: முள்ளிவாய்க்கால் வீரகாவியம் மே 18.

http://senthanal.blogspot.com/2010/05/18.html

An uneasy relationship - Riz Khan - Al Jazeera English

An uneasy relationship - Riz Khan - Al Jazeera English

Bloomberg News' Hans Nichols at the White House

Hu Jintao’s Upcoming U.S. Visit | Center for Strategic and International Studies

Hu Jintao’s Upcoming U.S. Visit Center for Strategic and International Studies

Sri Lanka News Debrief - 20.01.2011

Sri Lanka prepares for flood aftermath

இரட்டை இலைக்கு வாக்களிக்க செந்தமிழன் சீமான் அறைகூவல்!

தேர்தல் பங்கேற்பு

ஈழத்தமிழர் அழிவில் நடத்தும் ஈனப் பிழைப்பு!

காங்கிரஸ் - கருணாநிதி கூட்டுக்கு மாற்று, பிஜேபி -ஜெயலலிதா கூட்டணி அல்ல!

தேர்தல் பாதை பாசிசப் பாதை!

மக்கள் ஜனநாயகக் குடியரசமைக்கும் புரட்சிப்பாதையே ஜனநாயகப் பாதை!

இதுவே ஈழத்தமிழரைக் காக்கும் பாதை!
====================================================
Tiger buddy with nuisance value takes on Karuna
G.C. SHEKHAR
The Telegraph (Calcutta-India) Jan 12 2011
Seeman with Prabhakaran. File picture
Chennai, Jan. 11: Assembly elections in Tamil Nadu may be five months away but at least one person has announced his candidature against the electoral might of Tamil Nadu chief minister M. Karunanidhi.
Tamil film director-turned-actor Sebastian Seeman, a fiery supporter of the LTTE and the Tamil Eelam cause, has declared that he was ready to be the common candidate to challenge Karunanidhi at whichever constituency he contests, and sought the support of all Opposition parties.
“My aim is to defeat Karunanidhi in a one-on-one fight for his betrayal of Sri Lankan Tamils and for this, I am ready to join hands with anyone, including the AIADMK,” he told reporters after a meeting with MDMK leader Vaiko.
His sole agenda for the 2011 elections would be to defeat the DMK-Congress combine, he added.
Seeman, 36, has been arrested twice under the National Security Act (NSA) by the DMK government for his fiery oratory in support of the LTTE and against Sinhalese living in Tamil Nadu. He had declared his intention to take on Karunanidhi after he was released from jail last month when the high court quashed his detention under the NSA.
A supporter of slain LTTE leader V. Prabhakaran, Seeman had directed a Tamil movie titled Thambi, Prabhakaran’s pet name. In November 2009, he was deported from Canada for addressing pro-LTTE meetings and threatening the Sinhalese.
During the last stage of the LTTE’s war against the Sri Lankan forces in 2009, Seeman had floated the Naam Thamizhar Iyakkam (Our Tamil Movement) to rally the pro-Tiger forces against the Congress and the DMK for not preventing the decimation of the rebel group. In the May 2009 Lok Sabha election, his outfit had supported pro-LTTE candidates against Congress nominees, including home minister P. Chidambaram. “Our campaign against the Congress was responsible for senior Congress leaders K.V. Thangkabaalu and E.V.K.S. Elangovan losing in those elections while Chidambaram himself could just squeak through,” Seeman had claimed after the results.
He had paraded a group of Mumbai Tamils in front of Amitabh Bachchan’s house in Juhu to urge him not to participate in the IIFA awards held in Colombo last year.
The Naam Thamizhar Iyakkam has been touting itself as the self-proclaimed guardian of Tamil culture and had attacked the Chennai residence of Malayalam actor Jayaram after he made fun of Tamil domestic helps in a TV show.
“Seeman has the following of a small group of committed Tamil youths who are ready to hit the streets and vent their fury against any target he chooses. He is the Tamil version of Raj Thackeray, who may never become a mainstream force but can be of immense nuisance value,” a senior intelligence officer said.
The DMK remains unfazed about the Seeman challenge. “Our leader has won 11 Assembly elections since 1957 and triumphed even during the anti-DMK wave of 1991 following Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination, being the sole winner from our party. So even if Seeman is endorsed as the common candidate, it would only spur our cadres to ensure the re-election of our leader,” a senior minister said.
Normally, the AIADMK gives away the seat in which Karunanidhi is contesting to one of its allies, so it can concentrate on a more winnable seat. So if Seeman really gets to take on the DMK veteran, he could be the first known person to challenge Karunanidhi in a long time.
The chief minister has to look for a new seat as his current Chepauk constituency has been merged with the neighbouring Triplicane seat after delimitation. There is also the distinct possibility of his not contesting the election because of his age and he may prefer to enter the legislative council which is being revived now.
The only time Karunanidhi had not contested an Assembly election was in 1984 when he was a member of the council, after having resigned his Assembly seat in 1983 to protest against the Centre’s inaction to stop the ethnic violence against Lankan Tamils in Sri Lanka.
Ironically, his future opponent is using the same line to take on Karunanidhi now.
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1110112/jsp/nation/story_13426772.jsp

Sri Lanka News Debrief - 12.01.2011