Tuesday, 30 April 2024

2024 மே நாளில் சூளுரைப்போம்!

 


2024 மே நாள் வாழ்க!

உலக உழைக்கும் மக்கள், மாதர், தொழிலாளர் விவசாயிகள், ஒடுக்கப்படும் தேசங்களின் ஒப்பற்ற புரட்சிகர மே தினம் நீடூழி வாழ்க!!

இன்றைய சகாப்தத்தின் மாபெரும் புரட்சிகர வர்க்கமான பாட்டாளிவர்க்கம், என்றும் போல இன்றும் மனித குலத்தின் விடுதலைக்கான தலையான தீர்மானங்களை இயற்றும் நாள் இன்றாகும். எனினும் 2024 மே நாள் பல காரணங்களால் தனி விசேட முக்கியத்தும் பெற்று நிற்கின்றது.

இக்காரணிகள் சர்வதேச பிராந்திய உள்நாட்டு நிலைமகளில் செல்வாக்குச் செலுத்தி, அவற்றின் வர்க்கப் (அரசியல்) போராட்டத்தின் போக்கையும் பொதுத் திசை வழியையும் தீர்மானிக்கின்றன.

சூடான் யுத்தம், ரசிய-உக்ரைன் யுத்தம், பாலஸ்தீன படுகொலை யுத்தம், எண்ணற்ற எல்லைத் தகராறுகள், வணிகப் போர்கள், தேசிய ஒடுக்குமுறைகள்-உள் நாட்டு யுத்தங்கள், அந்நியத் தலையீடுகள்-ஆட்சிக்கவிழ்ப்புகள், தலைமை மற்றும்  தனி நபர் அழித்தொழிப்புகள், கறுப்புப் பட்டி கருங்காலிகளின் ஏவல் போலி பொது ஜன கிளர்ச்சிகள், வர்ணப் புரட்சிகள், அரபு வசந்தங்கள்.....என அரசியல் போர்க்களம் `களை கட்டி` நிற்கின்றது! 

போர் பிரதான போக்காகி, போர்த் தயாரிப்பு முன்னுரிமை பெறுவதாக ஆகி விட்டது,

பொருளாதாரத் துறையில் அந்நியக் கடன், பணவீக்கம்-விலைவாசி உயர்வு, வேலையின்மை போன்றவை கூர்மை அடையாத ஒரு நாடு இல்லை என்கிற அளவுக்கு இவை உலகப் பொருளாதாரத்தின் பொதுத் திசை வழியாகி, உற்பத்தி மந்தம் தொடர் நிகழ்வாகி விட்டது,

பலகட்சி அல்லது இரு கட்சி ஆட்சிமுறை- (சமாதான சகவாழ்வு நடத்தும்) ஒரு கட்சி முறை ஆகுதல், முதலாளித்துவ ஜனநாயகத்தின் அடி ஆதாரக் கோட்பாடான நீதித் துறையின் சுயாதீனம் மீது தலையீடு நடத்தப்பட்டு, சட்டம் ஒழுங்கு சீர்குலைக்கப்பட்டு, வாக்குரிமையும் தேர்தற் காலப் பண்டமாக மாற்றப்பட்டு, நாடாளமன்ற ஜனநாயகம் நடைமுறையில் காலாவதி ஆகியது,

ஐ.நா.சபை அதன் கிளை நிறுவனங்களான பாதுகாப்புச் சபை, மனித உரிமைகள் சபை, சர்வதேச குற்றவியல் நீதி மன்றம், International Atomic Energy Agency, உலகத் தொழிலாளர் கழகம் போன்ற மாபெரும் உலகப் பொது நிறுவனங்கள், அவை உருவாக்கப்பட்ட குறிக்கோள்களை காக்க இயலாத இடர்ப்பாடுகளைச் சந்தித்தல்,

இறுதியாக தொகுப்பாக இரண்டாம் உலப் போருக்குப் பின்னால் உருவாக்கி நிலை நிறுத்தப்பட்ட அனைத்து முறைமைகளும் நிலை குலைதல்.

எனினும் இவை  முதலாளித்துவ சமூகத்திலும், அதன் ஏகபோக  கட்டத்திலும் பொதுவாக நிகழ்பவையும் நிகழ்ந்தவையும் தான் என்பது உண்மைதான்.காலத்துக்கு காலம் இவை நிகழ்ந்த வண்ணம் தான் இருந்திருக்கின்றன, அவை முதலாளித்துவத்தின் விதியும் கூட.

ஆனால் இந்தத் தடவை இது அவற்றில் ஒன்றல்ல, அவை போன்ற ஒன்றுமல்ல. இதில் தான் இக்காலப்பகுதியின் வரலாற்று முக்கியத்துவம் அடங்கியிருக்கின்றது. 

இப்போதுள்ள நெருக்கடி மந்த நிலைக்கு அரச நிதிக் கொள்கைகளில் ஏற்படுத்தும் மாறுதல்களைக் கொண்டோ, அல்லது சமாதான பூர்வமாக ( WTO -World Trade Organisation ) சந்தையைப் பங்கிட்டுக் கொள்வதன் மூலமோ தீர்க்கப்படக் கூடிய ஒன்றாக இனியும் இல்லை.

சமாதானப் பங்கீடு முற்றிலுமாக முடிந்தொழிந்து முழு அளவிலான பங்கீட்டு (மூன்றாம் உலக)ப் போர் ஆரம்பிக்க இல்லையென்றாலும், பகுதியளவிலான ( பிரதேச, தேசிய, பிராந்திய), பங்கீடுகளின் பிரதான வழி முறை யுத்தம் என்பதாக ஆகிவிட்டது.இந்தப் போர் இது அமெரிக்க சோவியத் ரசிய இரட்டைத்துருவ உலக காலத்தின்(12 March 1947 – 3 December 1989) பனிப்போர் அல்ல இது நிஜப் போர் ஆகும்.

ஏன்?

சாதாரண வாழ்வில் ஒருவர் இன்னொருவரைக் காதலித்தாலோ அல்லது ஒருவர் மற்றொருவரை மணம் புரிந்தாலோ அவர்களுக்குள் சண்டை மூள நியாயம் இல்லை. ஆனால் ஒரு காதலரை இன்னொருவர் காதலித்தாலோ, அல்லது ஒரு குடும்பஸ்தரை மற்றொருவர் மணம் முடித்தாலோ சண்டை மூளும் சந்தர்ப்பம் உருவாகின்றது!

 மறுபங்கீடு இத்தகையது. ஏற்கெனவே ஒருவர் கையகப் படுத்திவிட்ட சந்தையை, அடுத்தவர் ஒருவர் அபகரிக்க முயலும்போது சண்டை மூளுகின்றது. அவ்வாறல்லாமல் இது வேறெதுவுமாக இருக்க இயலாது. 

இக்காலப் பொருளாதாரத்தின், அதன் நெருக்கடியின் தனிக் குறிப்பான அம்சம் உலக மறுபங்கீடே ஆகும். இவ்வாறு உலக மறுபங்கீடு இக்காலப் பகுதியை இயக்கும் பொது விதியாக உள்ளது.

குறிப்பிடத்தக்க அதன் குணக் கூறுகளைக் கொண்டு இக்காலப் பகுதியை ஈராக் யுத்தம் (20 Mar 2003 – 15 Dec 2011) முதல் இஸ்ரேல் யுத்தம் (07-ஒக்ரோபர்-2023 .........) மற்றும் அதன் தொடர்ச்சியான காலப் பகுதியாகக் கொள்ளலாம். இப்போக்கு ஒரு மூன்றாம் உலகப் போரிலேயே மறு முனைக்குச் செல்லும்.

பொருளாதாரத் துறை

பொருளாதாரத் துறையைப் பொறுத்த மட்டில் இக்காலப் பகுதியின் குணாம்சம், ஏகாதிபத்திய அபரிமித உற்பத்தி நெருக்கடி, உலக மயத்தின் படு தோல்வியோடு மீள இயலாத நெருக்கடியாக மாறியதில் வெளிப்படுகின்றது.இந்த மீள இயலாத நெருக்கடியில் இருந்து மீள்வதற்குத்தான் `மறு பங்கீடு` அவசியமாகின்றது.

`மொத்தத் உள்நாட்டு உற்பத்தி` 

அதிகார பூர்வ புள்ளி விபரங்கள், வரை படங்கள் என்னவோ எப்போதும் ஆகா ஓகோ என்றுதான் உள்ளன.உண்மை நிலைமையில் மக்களின் வாழ்க்கை நிலைமை அவ்வாறு இருப்பதில்லை.

முதலாளிகள் தமது கையில் இருந்த ஆரம்ப மூலதனத்தின் ரகசியம், ஆதித் திரட்சி என்று கூறினார்கள். கார்ல் மார்க்ஸ் ஆதித் திரட்சியின் ரகசியம் ஊதியம் அளிக்கப்படாத உழைப்புச் சக்தி என்கிற உபரி மதிப்புத் தத்துவம் மூலம் இந்த வரலாற்றுப் பொய்மையை `அரசியல் பொருளாதார` விஞ்ஞானம் மூலம் முறியடித்து அம்பலமாக்கினார்.

அதிகார பூர்வ புள்ளிவிபரங்களும் `ஆதித் திரட்சி` போன்றது தான்.இரண்டாம் உலகப் போருக்குப் பின்னால், (உள் நாடுகளின் ஒட்டு மொத்தத் தொகுப்பான) உலகப் பொருளாதாரம் என்பது `மொத்தத் உள்நாட்டு உற்பத்தி` என்கிற மந்திரக் கோலால் அளவிடப் படுகின்றது. 

இந்த `மொத்தத் உள்நாட்டு உற்பத்தி` என்றால் என்ன?

ஒரு நிலப்பகுதியின் மொத்த உள்நாட்டு உற்பத்தி (Gross Domestic Product அல்லது GDP) என்பது, அப்பகுதியின் பொருளாதாரத்தின் அளவை அறிய உதவும் அளவைகளுள் ஒன்றாகும். 'ஒரு குறிப்பிட்ட காலப் பகுதியுள்,  ஒரு நிலப்பகுதியின் எல்லைக்குள் உற்பத்தி செய்யப்படுகின்ற மொத்தப் பொருட்களினதும், சேவைகளினதும் சந்தைப் பெறுமதியே மொத்த உள்நாட்டு உற்பத்தி` என வரைவிலக்கணம் கூறப்படுகின்றது.

பொதுவாக இந் நிலப்பகுதி ஒரு நாட்டின் எல்லைப் பகுதியாகவும், காலப்பகுதி ஒரு வருடமாகவும் உள்ளது.

இது சந்தை நலன்களுக்கான அளவையே தவிர சமூக நலனுக்கான அளவை அல்ல. இதனால் இதன் உயர்வு (வளர்ச்சி Growth) எவ்வகையிலும் சமூக வளர்ச்சியை குறித்து நிற்பது இல்லை. `` உற்பத்தி செய்யப்படுகின்ற மொத்தப் பொருட்கள்`` என்பது அரசியல் பொருளாதாரத்தில் அபரிமித உற்பத்தி, சேவைகள் என்பது பிரதானமாக பண்ட விநியோகம்,மற்றும் நிதி நிர்வாகம் சார்ந்த வலையமைப்பே ஆகும். 

ஆக மொத்த உள்நாட்டு உற்பத்தி என்பது ஏகாதிபத்திய அபரிமித உற்பத்தியின் வளர்ச்சியை மட்டுமே அளவிடுகின்றது.


தனிப்பட்ட ஒரு நாட்டின்  `மொத்த உள்நாட்டு உற்பத்தி` என்பது கூட அந் நாட்டுக்குள் இயங்கும் அந்நிய உற்பத்தியும் இணைந்ததாகும். `இந்தியாவில் உற்பத்தி செய்யுங்கள்` (Make in India) என பாய் விரித்து செய்யும் அனைத்து அந்நிய உற்பத்திகளும் இந்தியாவின்  `மொத்த உள்நாட்டு உற்பத்தி` யே ஆகும்! இந்தியா வளராதா என்ன!

இந்த வளர்ச்சி அந்நிய வளர்ச்சியாக இருக்கையில், இதன் ஏற்ற இறக்கங்கள் என்பது சந்தை நடவடிக்கைகளின் ஏற்ற இறக்கங்களாகவே  தவிர்க்க இயலாமல் உள்ளன.

உற்பத்தி முறையின் நெருக்கடிகளை இந்த மந்திரக் கோல் மதிப்பீடு செய்வதில்லை.

ஒரே ஒரு உதாரணம்: 

கடந்த 20 ஆண்டுகளில் உலக மொத்த உள்நாட்டு உற்பத்தியின் வளர்ச்சியை கீழே காணும் வரைபடம் காட்டுகின்றது.


உலகப் பொருளாதாரம் அசுரப் பாய்ச்சலில் எகிறிக் குதிக்கின்றது!
இந்தக் காலப் பகுதியில் ஈராக், இஸ்ரேல் ஆகிய இரு பெரும் போர்கள் மூண்டன, சூடான்,ஈழம், உக்ரைன் என மொத்தம் 130 இற்கு மேற்பட்ட யுத்தங்கள் இதே 20 (2003-2023) ஆண்டுகளில் தான் ``வளர்ந்தன`` !

உலகப் பொருளாதாரம் சீராக இவ்வாறு வளரும் காலப் பகுதியில், உலகம் சீராக `வளர்ச்சி` அடைந்த அதே காலப் பகுதியில் 130 யுத்தங்கள் எங்கனம் வளர்ந்தன என்பதை மொத்த உள்நாட்டு உற்பத்தி (Gross domestic product அல்லது GDP) விளக்கவில்லை. இது யுத்தத்தின் கதை தான்!

மானுட நெருக்கடி அனைத்தினதும் ஒட்டுமொத்தமான ஒரு வெளிப்பாடாக அமைவது இடப் பெயர்வு அல்லது அகதித் தஞ்சம். இது குறித்த விரிவான தவல்களை UNHCR’s Refugee Population Statistics Database தருகின்றது.




இவ்வாறு அரசியல் நெருக்கடியும் சரி பொருளாதார நெருக்கடியும் சரி உலக மறுபங்கீட்டுப் போரைச் சுற்றியே வலம் வருகின்றன. அல்லது அதற்கமைய செப்பனிடப்படுகின்றன.

இதன் தவிர்க்க இயலாத மற்றொரு விளைவே பாசிசமாகும்.

இப்பாசிசமும் கூட இக்காலப் பகுதிக்குரிய தனித் தன்மைகளைக் கொண்டிருக்கின்றது.

Monday, 29 April 2024

'' We accept India’s national interests and security in the region.” Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader JVP

 NPP leader vows to build corruption-free country and foster national harmony

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) led National People’s Power (NPP), flew to Sweden on Friday to take part in events arranged by party followers there.

This is his latest foray after his China, Russia, India and Canada visits that came amidst reports of his party being touted as a frontline contender at the upcoming presidential election. Just last week, a Chinese Communist Party delegation led by Vice Minister Sun Haiyan called on him in Colombo.

Dissanayake, due to return ahead of May Day, declared in a Q&A, “No country can exist in isolation. There are several powerhouses being formed.” The NFF will hold four different May Day rallies -– one in Jaffna and the others in Anuradhapura, Colombo and Matara. “Conducting one major rally in any town will be a logistical nightmare when one thinks of the large crowds and the vast number of buses needed to transport them,” he pointed out.

Significantly, Dissanayake did not hide NPP’s foreign policy goals when he declared that “we need to maintain a balanced foreign policy with powerful countries.” He said our immediate neighbour India is engaged in a geopolitical race whereas Sri Lanka is not. They expect Sri Lanka not to take any decision or engage in anything that threatens India’s national interests and security in the region. We accept it.”

He added, “Therefore, I believe that since we are located within the Indian geopolitical region and India’s broader concerns about its national security, we must maintain political and economic relations with India. Unless we have such support, we cannot overcome the present crisis. We need foreign investment; we need technology, and we need access to foreign markets. Therefore, we need a strong foreign policy. We have been open, and we have no hidden agenda. We engage in a transparent dialogue with all foreign dignitaries who visit us.”

sundaytimes.lk/240428/ Columns



Here are edited highlights of the Q&A:

There has been no response from the NPP on its position on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution. Can you explain what it is?

On several occasions, we have stated our position on the 13th Amendment to the Constitution and the provincial councils. Our policy document published in 2019 also contained our stand on the provincial councils. Nevertheless, let me explain it once again.

We don’t believe that the Provincial Council system is a complete solution to the ethnic problem in the country. However, the provincial councils have been in existence for over three decades, and our party is also contesting at provincial council elections. People in the North and East consider the provincial council is one of their rights. They think that the provincial council is a victory they have got after many years of demand. Hence, we are of the opinion that we should continue with the provincial councils, yet our opponents express different opinions on that.

How will the NPP focus on the Tamil Ethnic Issue?

I have already explained to you that the provincial council system alone cannot find solutions to the ethnic issue. Politics in Sri Lanka for a long time has been instigating one community against the other. For example, in 2019 at the presidential election, Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s victory was completely based on a slogan that was against the Muslim community. Throughout the political history of our country, the usual practice has been organising one section of people against the other for political gains. Political parties, whether they are Muslim, Tamil or Sinhalese, in certain instances, have created dissension among communities at times to gain power.

Our politics is completely different from theirs. Even in the most difficult times, we are a party that has always stood for national unity and ethnic harmony among Tamil, Muslim, and Sinhala communities. Therefore, the first step to solving this ethnic issue is to establish a political system that integrates all communities rather than using divisive politics. We are doing it.

Then, how can we find solutions to the problem?

We know there are certain identical issues that Tamil-speaking people are facing just because of them being Tamil. It may be language, culture, freedom of religion, right of fair access to power and so on. These have to be addressed.

Though there are certain provisions in the constitution. They are not being followed. It has been 15 years now after the end of the separatist war, but no genuine solutions have been found to the problems that Tamil-speaking people are facing.

We believe in a two-way approach. Firstly, the political issue. We ensure the Tamil-speaking people’s fair right to have access to power which has been denied over the years by successive governments. Secondly, there are certain identical issues that Tamil-speaking people are facing. Similarly, there are several other common issues that they too are facing like the other people in the country.

We ensure that we find solutions for all those problems. Otherwise, the divisive political culture inciting one against the other cannot find solutions to the ethnic problem. Therefore, we believe as a party we can find lasting solutions to the ethnic issue in Sri Lanka and rebuild the nation.

What is your policy in respect of the Executive Presidency? Will you abolish or continue with it?

The Executive Presidency should be changed and we are very clear about our stand. Since the introduction of the executive presidency, we have believed it is not a suitable model for us. Even after 46 years of its existence, the executive presidential system has repeatedly proved that it is not suitable for a country like ours. Therefore, it should be abolished.

The deals of the government with the IMF. Will you retain them or propose changes? How will they come?

We have now entered into an IMF programme. If we had not agreed, we could have looked at an alternative. Since we have agreed now, whoever comes to power cannot leave the IMF programme. We know that not all countries could overcome their crises by going to the IMF. For example, Argentina, Greece and many other countries have not been successful in following IMF conditionalities. Also, there are a handful of countries which have been successful. The IMF can intervene to manage the crisis. However, its involvement will not be sufficient to solve the inherent problems in our economy. Therefore, our policy is to have a dynamic economic programme that enhances the production of goods and services, that people are actively involved in the production process, and that people enjoy fair distribution of such goods and services. Therefore, we strongly believe that unless there is a sound economic policy, we cannot overcome the economic crisis just because of being in the IMF programme.

What is the NPP’s policy towards the minority communities, like Tamils and Muslims?

We don’t need a government that acts against one community. We need a government that represents all communities. We have been talking with the political parties in the north. Also, we hope to negotiate with the political parties in the upcountry and with Muslim parties. We need not build a government only for Sinhalese, nor that people in the north feel it is a Sinhala government. We need a government that safeguards the rights of Sinhala, Tamil, and Muslim people in the country. We need the support of all communities to form a government and also, we need them to represent our government. Therefore, we are having a broader dialogue with the three main communities and their political leaders in this regard.

What are the main NPP pledges to the public during the presidential election campaign?

We believe that there are two main causes for the present crisis. First, our country’s political culture which is full of corruption, mismanagement, and inefficiency. One main pledge that we give to our people is that we eliminate this corrupt political culture. This political culture has not enabled economic democracy in the country. The access to economic activities is determined to what extent the private sector is connected to politicians. As such, it has been impossible to run a business without soliciting the blessings of politicians. Therefore, our second pledge to the people at this election is that we establish economic democracy in the country whereby there will be a level playing ground. We also know that many people in society have been impoverished owing to the crisis. Recovering those affected is also one of our priorities.

There are moves for a debate between you and SJB leader Sajith Premadasa. What about one with UNP leader Ranil Wickramasinghe? Should you not be debating with him?

We have been explaining to people our political practices. Our opponents too are doing the same and people in the country have experienced their political behaviours over the years. We have been engaging with people, explaining our policies and programmes, and they have witnessed our practices. The SJB, which does not have an identity of its own, has been repeatedly challenging us for a debate. We have accepted the challenge. Honestly, our dialogue is not with them but with the people. However, now we have proposed a few dates for the debate, but they have rejected those dates. We have once again informed the SJB leader to give us a few convenient dates for him before 20th May. If the debate does not happen on or before 20th May, the talk on this matter should come to an end.

What about a debate with President Ranil Wickremesinghe or the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna?

We are also prepared to have a debate with Ranil Wickramasinghe as well.

How do you propose to cope with bribery and corruption when you are in power?

The first proposal that we make is to eliminate the political culture that nurtures bribery, corruption and nepotism. The main thing that is required to stop corruption is that the rulers do not engage in corruption. Rulers must not rob public money. This is the first step we need to take to stop corruption. The NPP is the only party that can do that. We will do it. That is not sufficient. The investigation arms, the legal system and the judiciary should be made efficient. We are a country that should not face a calamity like this. This is not a result of a natural cause. This is a result of corrupt political regimes that have robbed billions in public money. Therefore, people expect us to stop this corruption and mismanagement.

Hence, first, we must free the political authority from corruption. None of my party members or I have selected this political movement to waste or rob public money. Next, an uncorrupt political movement can build an uncorrupt government. We are such a party that proved to be uncorrupt through our practices over the last few decades. While strengthening the law enforcement agencies and eliminating corruption, we at the NPP will build a country that is free from corruption, mismanagement, and nepotism.⍐

Wednesday, 24 April 2024

NYT TELLS JOURNALISTS TO AVOID WORDS “GENOCIDE,” “ETHNIC CLEANSING,” AND “OCCUPIED TERRITORY''



LEAKED NYT GAZA MEMO TELLS JOURNALISTS TO AVOID WORDS “GENOCIDE,” “ETHNIC CLEANSING,” AND “OCCUPIED TERRITORY”

Amid the internal battle over the New York Times’s coverage of Israel’s war, top editors handed down a set of directives.


THE NEW YORK TIMES instructed journalists covering Israel’s war on the Gaza Strip to restrict the use of the terms “genocide” and “ethnic cleansing” and to “avoid” using the phrase “occupied territory” when describing Palestinian land, according to a copy of an internal memo obtained by The Intercept.


The memo also instructs reporters not to use the word Palestine “except in very rare cases” and to steer clear of the term “refugee camps” to describe areas of Gaza historically settled by displaced Palestinians expelled from other parts of Palestine during previous Israeli–Arab wars. The areas are recognized by the United Nations as refugee camps and house hundreds of thousands of registered refugees.


The memo — written by Times standards editor Susan Wessling, international editor Philip Pan, and their deputies — “offers guidance about some terms and other issues we have grappled with since the start of the conflict in October.”


While the document is presented as an outline for maintaining objective journalistic principles in reporting on the Gaza war, several Times staffers told The Intercept that some of its contents show evidence of the paper’s deference to Israeli narratives.


“It’s the kind of thing that looks professional and logical if you have no knowledge of the historical context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.”


“I think it’s the kind of thing that looks professional and logical if you have no knowledge of the historical context of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict,” said a Times newsroom source, who requested anonymity for fear of reprisal, of the Gaza memo. “But if you do know, it will be clear how apologetic it is to Israel.”


First distributed to Times journalists in November, the guidance — which collected and expanded on past style directives about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict — has been regularly updated over the ensuing months. It presents an internal window into the thinking of Times international editors as they have faced upheaval within the newsroom surrounding the paper’s Gaza war coverage.


“Issuing guidance like this to ensure accuracy, consistency and nuance in how we cover the news is standard practice,” said Charlie Stadtlander, a Times spokesperson. “Across all our reporting, including complex events like this, we take care to ensure our language choices are sensitive, current and clear to our audiences.”


Issues over style guidance have been among a bevy of internal rifts at the Times over its Gaza coverage. In January, The Intercept reported on disputes in the Times newsroom over issues with an investigative story on systematic sexual violence on October 7. The leak gave rise to a highly unusual internal probe. The company faced harsh criticism for allegedly targeting Times workers of Middle East and North African descent, which Times brass denied. On Monday, executive editor Joe Kahn told staff that the leak investigation had been concluded unsuccessfully.


WhatsApp Debates


Almost immediately after the October 7 attacks and the launch of Israel’s scorched-earth war against Gaza, tensions began to boil within the newsroom over the Times coverage. Some staffers said they believed the paper was going out of its way to defer to Israel’s narrative on the events and was not applying even standards in its coverage. Arguments began fomenting on internal Slack and other chat groups.


The debates between reporters on the Jerusalem bureau-led WhatsApp group, which at one point included 90 reporters and editors, became so intense that Pan, the international editor, interceded.


“We need to do a better job communicating with each other as we report the news, so our discussions are more productive and our disagreements less distracting,” Pan wrote in a November 28 WhatsApp message viewed by The Intercept and first reported by the Wall Street Journal. “At its best, this channel has been a quick, transparent and productive space to collaborate on a complex, fast-moving story. At its worst, it’s a tense forum where the questions and comments can feel accusatory and personal.”


Pan bluntly stated: “Do not use this channel for raising concerns about coverage.”


Among the topics of debate in the Jerusalem bureau WhatsApp group and exchanges on Slack, reviewed by The Intercept and verified with multiple newsroom sources, were Israeli attacks on Al-Shifa Hospital, statistics on Palestinian civilian deaths, the allegations of genocidal conduct by Israel, and President Joe Biden’s pattern of promoting unverified allegations from the Israeli government as fact. (Pan did not respond to a request for comment.)


Many of the same debates were addressed in the Times’s Gaza-specific style guidance and have been the subject of intense public scrutiny.


“It’s not unusual for news companies to set style guidelines,” said another Times newsroom source, who also asked for anonymity. “But there are unique standards applied to violence perpetrated by Israel. Readers have noticed and I understand their frustration.”


“Words Like ‘Slaughter’”

The Times memo outlines guidance on a range of phrases and terms. “The nature of the conflict has led to inflammatory language and incendiary accusations on all sides. We should be very cautious about using such language, even in quotations. Our goal is to provide clear, accurate information, and heated language can often obscure rather than clarify the fact,” the memo says.

“Words like ‘slaughter,’ ‘massacre’ and ‘carnage’ often convey more emotion than information. Think hard before using them in our own voice,” according to the memo. “Can we articulate why we are applying those words to one particular situation and not another? As always, we should focus on clarity and precision — describe what happened rather than using a label.”

Despite the memo’s framing as an effort to not employ incendiary language to describe killings “on all sides,” in the Times reporting on the Gaza war, such language has been used repeatedly to describe attacks against Israelis by Palestinians and almost never in the case of Israel’s large-scale killing of Palestinians.

In January, The Intercept published an analysis of New York Times, Washington Post, and Los Angeles Times coverage of the war from October 7 through November 24 — a period mostly before the new Times guidance was issued. The Intercept analysis showed that the major newspapers reserved terms like “slaughter,” “massacre,” and “horrific” almost exclusively for Israeli civilians killed by Palestinians, rather than for Palestinian civilians killed in Israeli attacks.

The analysis found that, as of November 24, the New York Times had described Israeli deaths as a “massacre” on 53 occasions and those of Palestinians just once. The ratio for the use of “slaughter” was 22 to 1, even as the documented number of Palestinians killed climbed to around 15,000.

The latest Palestinian death toll estimate stands at more than 33,000, including at least 15,000 children — likely undercounts due to Gaza’s collapsed health infrastructure and missing persons, many of whom are believed to have died in the rubble left by Israel’s attacks over the past six months.

Touchy Debates

The Times memo touches on some of the most highly charged — and disputed — language around the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The guidance spells out, for instance, usage of the word “terrorist,” which The Intercept previously reported was at the center of a spirited newsroom debate.

“It is accurate to use ‘terrorism’ and ‘terrorist’ in describing the attacks of Oct. 7, which included the deliberate targeting of civilians in killings and kidnappings,” according to the leaked Times memo. “We should not shy away from that description of the events or the attackers, particularly when we provide context and explanation.”

The guidance also instructs journalists to “Avoid ‘fighters’ when referring to the Oct. 7 attack; the term suggests a conventional war rather than a deliberate attack on civilians. And be cautious in using ‘militants,’ which is interpreted in different ways and may be confusing to readers.”

In the memo, the editors tell Times journalists: “We do not need to assign a single label or to refer to the Oct. 7 assault as a ‘terrorist attack’ in every reference; the word is best used when specifically describing attacks on civilians. We should exercise restraint and can vary the language with other accurate terms and descriptions: an attack, an assault, an incursion, the deadliest attack on Israel in decades, etc. Similarly, in addition to ‘terrorists,’ we can vary the terms used to describe the Hamas members who carried out the assault: attackers, assailants, gunmen.”

The Times does not characterize Israel’s repeated attacks on Palestinian civilians as “terrorism,” even when civilians have been targeted. This is also true of Israel’s assaults on protected civilian sites, including hospitals.

In a section with the headline “‘Genocide’ and Other Incendiary Language,” the guidance says, “‘Genocide’ has a specific definition in international law. In our own voice, we should generally use it only in the context of those legal parameters. We should also set a high bar for allowing others to use it as an accusation, whether in quotations or not, unless they are making a substantive argument based on the legal definition.”

Regarding “ethnic cleansing,” the document calls it “another historically charged term,” instructing reporters: “If someone is making such an accusation, we should press for specifics or supply proper context.”

Bucking International Norms

In the cases of describing “occupied territory” and the status of refugees in Gaza, the Times style guidelines run counter to norms established by the United Nations and international humanitarian law.

On the term “Palestine” — a widely used name for both the territory and the U.N.-recognized state — the Times memo contains blunt instructions: “Do not use in datelines, routine text or headlines, except in very rare cases such as when the United Nations General Assembly elevated Palestine to a nonmember observer state, or references to historic Palestine.” The Times guidance resembles that of the Associated Press Stylebook.

The memo directs journalists not to use the phrase “refugee camps” to describe long-standing refugee settlements in Gaza. “While termed refugee camps, the refugee centers in Gaza are developed and densely populated neighborhoods dating to the 1948 war. Refer to them as neighborhoods, or areas, and if further context is necessary, explain how they have historically been called refugee camps.”

The United Nations recognizes eight refugee camps in the Gaza Strip. As of last year, before the war started, the areas were home to more than 600,000 registered refugees. Many are descendants of those who fled to Gaza after being forcibly expelled from their homes in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, which marked the founding of the Jewish state and mass dispossession of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians.

The Israeli government has long been hostile to the historical fact that Palestinians maintain refugee status, because it signifies that they were displaced from lands they have a right to return to.

Since October 7, Israel has repeatedly bombed refugee camps in Gaza, including Jabaliya, Al Shati, Al Maghazi, and Nuseirat.


The memo’s instructions on the use of “occupied territories” says, “When possible, avoid the term and be specific (e.g. Gaza, the West Bank, etc.) as each has a slightly different status.” The United Nations, along with much of the world, considers Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem to be occupied Palestinian territories, seized by Israel in the 1967 Arab–Israeli war.


The admonition against the use of the term “occupied territories,” said a Times staffer, obscures the reality of the conflict, feeding into the U.S. and Israeli insistence that the conflict began on October 7.


“You are basically taking the occupation out of the coverage, which is the actual core of the conflict,” said the newsroom source. “It’s like, ‘Oh let’s not say occupation because it might make it look like we’re justifying a terrorist attack.’”⍐


Sunday, 21 April 2024

உல்லாச புரியாகும் மைய மலையகமும், Spain இல் உல்லாசத் துறை எதிர்ப்பும்.

Thousands protest in Spain's Canary Islands over mass tourism

SANTA CRUZ DE TENERIFE, Spain, April 20 (Reuters) - Thousands of people protested in Tenerife on Saturday, calling for the Spanish island to temporarily limit tourist arrivals to stem a boom in short-term holiday rentals and hotel construction that is driving up housing costs for locals.

Holding placards reading "People live here" and "We don't want to see our island die", demonstrators said changes must be made to the tourism industry that accounts for 35% of gross domestic product (GDP) in the Canary Islands archipelago.




A woman uses a megaphone during a demonstration for a change in the tourism model in the Canary Islands, in Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Spain, April 20, 2024. REUTERS/Borja Suarez


"It's not a message against the tourist, but against a tourism model that doesn't benefit this land and needs to be changed," one of the protesters told Reuters during the march in Tenerife's capital, Santa Cruz de Tenerife.







Smaller marches were held elsewhere in the island group and other Spanish cities, all of them organised by about two dozen environmental organisations ahead of the peak summer holiday season.


A man plays instruments as he displays a sign during a demonstration for a change in the tourism model in the Canary Islands, in Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Spain, April 20, 2024. REUTERS/Borja


The organisations say local authorities should temporarily limit visitor numbers to alleviate pressure on the islands' environment, infrastructure and housing stock, and put curbs on property purchases by foreigners.






"The authorities must immediately stop this corrupt and destructive model that depletes the resources and makes the economy more precarious. The Canary Islands have limits and people's patience too," Antonio Bullon, one of the protest leaders, told Reuters.



A man plays a conch in a traditional way during a demonstration for a change in the tourism model in the Canary Islands, in Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Spain, April 20, 2024. REUTERS/Borja Suarez


The archipelago of 2.2 million people was visited by nearly 14 million foreign tourists in 2023, up 13% from the previous year, according to official data.




Authorities in the islands are concerned about the impact on locals. A draft law expected to pass this year toughening the rules on short lets follows complaints from residents priced out of the housing market.
 A woman shouts next to a banner with the word "tourism" during a demonstration for a change in the tourism model in the Canary Islands, in Santa Cruz de Tenerife, Spain, April 20, 2024. REUTERS/Borja Suarez



Monday, 15 April 2024

Israel assassinate 18 IRGC members since December!


Israel strikes Iran consulate in Syria’s capital Damascus: 

What we know

Iran has promised a response after an alleged Israeli attack on its consulate killed seven including two top commanders.

Iran has promised a response after its consulate in the Syrian capital Damascus was destroyed in a suspected Israeli missile attack, killing seven people including a top commander and his deputy.

Brigadier General Mohammad Reza Zahedi, a senior commander in the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and his deputy General Mohammad Hadi Hajriahimi were killed in Monday’s attack, the IRGC said in a statement.

Israel has long targeted Iran’s military installations in Syria and those of its proxies but Monday’s attack was the first time it had targeted the embassy compound itself.

Here’s what we know:

What happened?

The consulate, which is next to the main embassy building in Damascus’s Mezzeh district, was struck at about 5pm (14:00 GMT) on Monday.

Photos from the scene showed piles of rubble and twisted steel with an Iranian flag still hanging from a pole nearby.

Who was there?

Several IRGC military advisers were in the building at the time of the attack and seven were killed, according to the IRGC statement.

The statement said Zahedi and Hajriahimi were among the dead.

Zahedi was the leader of the Quds Force in Lebanon and Syria until 2016, it said.


The United Kingdom-based war monitor, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, said as many as 11 people had been killed, including eight Iranians, two Syrians and one Lebanese, all of them fighters.

How has Iran reacted?

Iran’s Ambassador to Syria, Hossein Akbari, who was not injured in the attack, said Tehran’s response would be “decisive”.

Iran’s Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian described the attack “as a violation of all international obligations and conventions” and blamed Israel.

In a separate statement, Iran’s Foreign Ministry spokesman Nasser Kanani said that Iran “reserves the right to carry out a reaction and will decide on the type of response and the punishment of the aggressor”.

Iran’s mission to the United Nations said the strike was a “flagrant violation of the United Nations Charter, international law, and the foundational principle of the inviolability of diplomatic and consular premises”.

Saying the strike was “a significant threat to regional peace and security”, the Iranian mission urged the UN Security Council to condemn the attack and said Tehran reserved the right “to take a decisive response”.

Protesters took to the streets of Tehran to condemn Israel over the attack.

How have others reacted?

Syria said “innocents” had been killed in the strike.

“We strongly condemn this atrocious terrorist attack that targeted the Iranian consulate building in Damascus and killed a number of innocents,” said Syrian Foreign Minister Faisal Mekdad who visited the scene of the attack along with Syria’s interior minister.

Russia, an ally of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, also joined the condemnation.

“We strongly condemn this unacceptable attack against the Iranian consular mission in Syria,” Russia’s Foreign Ministry said in a statement.

Lebanon’s Iran-backed Hezbollah group warned that Israel would pay for the attack.

Hezbollah has exchanged near-daily cross-border fire with Israel in support of its ally Hamas since the Gaza war erupted in October.

“Certainly, this crime will not pass without the enemy receiving punishment and revenge,” Hezbollah said in a statement on Tuesday. It added that Zahedi was “one of the first to support, sacrifice, and persevere for many years to develop and advance the work of the resistance [Hezbollah] in Lebanon”.

Muslim countries including Iraq, Jordan, Oman, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates also condemned the attack.

In the United States, meanwhile, State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller told reporters that Washington remained “concerned about anything that would be escalatory or cause an increase in conflict in the region”.

When asked about the attack, an Israeli military spokesperson told journalists: “We do not comment on reports in the foreign media.”

The New York Times cited four unnamed Israeli officials as acknowledging that Israel was responsible for the attack.


What could the consequences be?

The attack appeared to signify an escalation of Israel’s targeting of military officials from Iran, which provides money and weapons to hardline groups fighting Israel in Gaza and along its border with Lebanon.

But analysts appear divided over whether the action would bring about a regional war.

Jon Alterman of the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, DC, said Israel probably saw the strike more as a deterrent.

“The Israelis are convinced that if they seek to hang back, the threat will grow and not diminish,” he said. “They are persuaded that as long as they do something like this periodically, their adversaries will be deterred.”

However, Steven Cook, an analyst at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington, said there was a danger of escalation.

“The IRGC can loosen restraints on proxies in Iraq and Syria, placing American forces in jeopardy again,” he said. “The Iranians could also direct Hezbollah to escalate its attacks on Israel, which have been growing bolder and more numerous.”

The chief spokesman for Israel’s army, Daniel Hagari, said a drone attack on a naval base in southern Israel later on Monday was “directed by Iran” and caused no injuries.

Early on Tuesday, the Israeli military said some kind of weapon fired from Syria towards Israel crashed before reaching its intended target.

Ali Vaez, the director of the International Crisis Group’s Iran Project, agreed there was a risk of expanded conflict but that it might not be of too much concern to Israel.

“[This] puts Israel in a win-win situation because Israel knows Iran doesn’t want to get dragged into a regional war, so if it escalates its attacks against Iranian assets and personnel in Syria, it probably will be cost-free and if Iran does respond and retaliate, then it becomes a justified pretext for expanding the war.”⍐

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