Catalonia President Statement 10-10-2017 Text

CAT PR Statement 10102017

Official Statement by the President on the political situation in Catalonia

Barcelona, 10 October 2017

I stand here before Parliament to present to you the results of the referendum held on October 1 and to explain the political consequences derived from it. I am conscious, as I’m sure are many of you, that today I also stand before the people of Catalonia and before many others, who have focused their attention on what happens today in this chamber.

We are living in an exceptional time, of historical dimension. The consequences and effects run beyond our country and it’s evident that, far from being an internal and domestic affair, as we have often had to hear from those who neglected their responsibility by not wanting to know about what’s happening, Catalonia is a European issue.

Do not expect, from my speech, threats, blackmail nor insults. The current moment is serious enough for everyone to assume their corresponding responsibility and for the necessity to deescalate tension and not to contribute to it, neither through word nor gesture. On the other hand, I wish to address the people; those who came out on the 1st and the 3rd of October, those who went to the demonstration on Saturday to advocate for dialogue, and those who came out massively on Sunday in defence of the unity of Spain. And to those who haven’t come out in any of those gatherings. All of us, with all of our differences, with all our points of understanding and divergence, all form part of the same people, and we must continue to work together, whatever happens, because that is how the history of a people who want to build a future is made.

Obviously, we will never agree on everything. But we do understand, because we’ve already demonstrated it, that the way forward can be none other than through democracy and peace.

That means respecting those who think differently, and finding a way to make possible collective aspirations, with the realisation that that requires a large dose of dialogue and empathy.

As you may well imagine, in these recent days and hours many have spoken with me, suggesting both what needs to be done and what needs not be done. All of those suggestions are valid, respectable and appropriate for a moment like this. In all cases where I could I appreciated receiving them, because in each one I’ve heard good reasons which are worth listening to. I have also asked the opinion of many people, which has helped me and enriched the analysis of this moment in time and the perspective for the future, and I want to give them my heartfelt thanks.

But what I’m presenting to you today is not a personal decision, nor is it the obsession of anyone person: it’s the result of the 1st of October, of the will of the government which I preside over having maintained its commitment to call, organise and hold a referendum of self determination, and naturally of the analysis of the following facts which we have shared at the core of Government. Today is the time to talk about the results in the Parliament and that’s what we’re going to do.

We are here because on the 1st of October Catalonia held a referendum of self-determination. It was done in conditions, which were, rather than difficult, extreme. It’s the first time in the history of European democracies that an election day was held in the midst of violent police attacks against voters who were queueing to post their vote. From 8 in the morning until the close of polling stations, the Police and Guardia Civil beat defenceless people and obliged the emergency services to attend to more than 800 people. We all saw it, as did the world, which was horrified as the images came through.

The objective was not only to confiscate ballot boxes and voting papers. The objective was to cause panic and make people, as they saw the images of indiscriminate police violence, stay at home and renounce their right to vote. But those politically responsible for these ignominious acts shot themselves in the foot. 2, 286, 217 citizens overcame their fear, left their homes and voted. We don’t know how many were unsuccessful in doing so, but we do know that the polling stations which were closed down violently represented the votes of 770,000 more people.

More than two million two hundred thousand Catalans were able to vote because they overcame their fear, and because when they arrived at their polling station they found ballot boxes, envelopes, voting slips, constituted voting tables and an operative and reliable electoral list. The operations and police searches of the previous weeks in seeking ballot boxes and voting slips did not prevent the referendum. Phone taps, following people, cyber-attacks, the closure of 140 websites, interference in correspondence, none of these things could stop the referendum. I repeat: in spite of the efforts and resources dedicated to prevent it happening, when the citizens arrived at the polling stations, they found ballot boxes, envelopes, voting slips, constituted voting tables and an operative and reliable electoral list.

I wish, therefore, to recognise and appreciate all of the people who made possible this logistical and political success. To the volunteers who slept in the polling stations. To the citizens who kept the ballot boxes in their homes. To those who printed the voting slips. To the computer technicians who came up with and developed the universal electoral list. To the workers in the Government. To those who voted yes or no, and those who voted blank. To so many anonymous people who did their part to make it all possible. And above all, I send my best wishes and solidarity to all those injured and mistreated in the police operation. Those images will remain in our memories forever. We will never forget.

We must recognise and denounce that the actions of the state have caused tension and worry in Catalan society. As President of Catalonia, I’m very conscious that at this time there are many people who are worried, anxious and even scared about what is happening and what may come to pass. People of all ideas and political leanings. Gratuitous violence and the decision of some companies to transfer their headquarters, in a decision, allow me to say, more related to their markets than to real effects in our economy (what does have real effect on our economy is the 16 billion Catalan euros which are obliged to leave each year), are facts which without doubt have clouded the picture. To all those people who are afraid, I wish to send them a message of comprehension and empathy, and also of serenity and tranquillity: the Government of Catalonia will not deviate one millimetre from its commitment to social and economic progress, democracy, dialogue, tolerance, respect for difference and a willingness to negotiate. As President I will always act with responsibility and keeping in mind the seven and a half million citizens of the country.

I would like to explain where we are, and especially why we are where we are. Today as the world is watching us, and indeed, today as the world is listening to us, I think it’s worth going back and explaining ourselves.

Since the death of the military dictator Francisco Franco, Catalonia has contributed at least as much as anyone else to the consolidation of Spanish democracy. Catalonia has been not only the economic engine of Spain, but also a modernising and stabling influence. Catalonia believed that the Spanish Constitution of 1978 could be a good starting point to guarantee its self-government and its material progress. Catalonia was deeply involved in the process of returning the Spanish state to European and international institutions after 40 years of isolation. The passing of the years, however, began to show that the new institutional structure which came out of the Transition, which Catalonia saw as a good starting point towards evolving to new heights of democracy and self-governance, was seen by the hegemonic elite of the state not as a point of departure, but in fact as a point of arrival. With the passing of the years, the system not only stopped evolving in the desired direction for the people of Catalonia, but began to devolve.

Consistent with this finding, in the year 2005, a large majority, 88% of this Parliament, I repeat an 88% majority in this Parliament, following the steps marked out by the Constitution, I repeat, following the steps marked out by the Constitution, approved a proposal for a new Statute of Autonomy, and sent it to the Spanish Congress of Deputies. The Catalan proposal unleashed an authentic campaign of Catalanophobia, tied to an irresponsible manner by those who  wanted to govern Spain at any price.

The text which was finally submitted for referendum in 2006 was already very different from the initial proposal from the Catalan Parliament, but despite that was approved by the citizens who voted on it. Turnout was 47%, and the votes in favour of the Statute were 1,899,897. I’d like to point out that that’s 145,000 votes fewer than the yes vote for independence on the 1st of October.

The state, however, hadn’t had enough with the first reduction. In 2010, four years after the entry in law of the watered down Statute, a Constitutional Court made up of magistrates handpicked by the two main Spanish political parties, emitted an disgraceful sentence which watered down the Statute for a second time, modifying the content which had been voted on by the people in a referendum.

It’s worth remembering this, and underlining it. Despite having followed all the procedures of the constitution, despite being backed by 88% of the Parliament of Catalonia, and despite popular approval in a referendum, the combined action by the Congress of Deputies and the Constitutional Court converted the Catalan proposal into an unrecognisable text. And it’s worth remembering and underlining also: this unrecognisable text, doubly edited and not voted upon by Catalans, this is the current law in force. This has been the result of Catalonia trying to modify its Juridical Statute by constitutional means: a humiliation.

But that’s not everything. Since the sentence of the Constitutional Court against the Statute voted upon by the people, the Spanish political system not only has not moved a finger to try to go back and repair this break, but rather it has activated an aggressive and systematic program of recentralisation. From the point of view of self-government, the last seven years have been the worst of the last forty: continual degradation of competencies through a series of decrees, laws and sentences; inattention and lack of investment in the basic system of infrastructure in Catalonia, a key part of a country’s economic progress; and hurtful disrespect towards our language, culture and the way of life in our country.

Everything that I explain in these short lines has had a profound impact in Catalan society. It’s got to the point that during this period many Catalans, millions of Catalans, have come to the rational conclusion that the only way to guarantee survival, not only of self-government, but of our values as a society, is the foundation of Catalonia as a state. The results of the last elections to the Parliament of Catalonia are a testament to this.

Furthermore, something even more relevant has happened: in parallel with the formation of a pro-independence absolute majority in the Parliament, a broad consensus has been forged that the future of Catalonia, whatever it may be, had to be decided by the Catalan people, democratically and pacifically, through a referendum. In the most recent poll by an important newspaper in Madrid, not from here, from Madrid, 82% of Catalans expressed this idea.

With the objective of making possible this referendum, in the last few years the Catalan institutions and civil societies have generated many initiatives before the Spanish government and its institutions. It’s all documented: up to 18 times, and in all possible formats, opening a dialogue has been proposed to agree a referendum similar to the one held in Scotland on 18 September 2014. A referendum with the date and a question agreed between the two sides, in which both sides could campaign and present their arguments, and in which both sides commit to accepting and applying the result through a negotiation which protects their respective interests. If that has been possible in one of the oldest, most consolidated and exemplary democracies in the world, as the United Kingdom is, why could it not also be done in Spain?

The answer to all of those initiatives has been a radical and absolute no, combined with police and judicial persecution of Catalan authorities. Ex-President Artur Mas and ex-ministers Joana Ortega and Irene Rigau, as with the ex-minister of Presidency Francesc Homs, have been banned from holding office for having promoted a non-binding participative process without juridical effect on the 9 of November 2014. And not only banned from public office, but also fined in an arbitrary and abusive way: if they do not deposit more than 5 million euros to the Spanish Court of Accounts, all of their assets will be embargoed and their families may be affected.

Apart from them, the bureau of this Parliament and dozens of municipal elected officials have been charged for expressing support for the right to decide and permit debates on the referendum. Charges have been brought against the President of the Parliament and its bureau to prevent them permitting the debate to take place. The last wave of repression against Catalan institutions has resulted in the detainment and arrest of 16 officials and public servants in the Government of Catalonia, who had to appear in court handcuffed and without being informed of the accusation against them. The world needs to know too that the leaders of the entities which have led the biggest peaceful demonstrations in Europe’s history are charged with the crime of sedition, which carries a sentence of up to 15 years in prison. These are people responsible for having organised demonstrations which amazed the world for their civility and lack of incident.

This has been the answer of the Spanish State to Catalan demands, which have always been expressed in a peaceful way and through the majorities obtained at the polls. The people of Catalonia have demanded the freedom to be able to decide for years. It’s very simple. We have not found anyone to dialogue with in the past nor are we finding one in the present. There is no State institution that is open to talking about the claim of the majority of this Parliament and of Catalan society. The last hope we could have left was for the monarchy to exercise the arbitration and moderating role that the constitution attaches to it, but the last week's speech confirmed our worst assumptions.

I now turn to the citizens of the whole of the Spanish state who are following with concern what is happening in Catalonia. I want to convey a message of serenity and respect, a willingness to dialogue and of political accord, as has always been our desire and our priority. I am aware of the information that is conveyed to them by most media and the narrative that has been established. But I dare to ask them to make an effort, for the good of all; an effort to know and recognise what has led us here and the reasons that have driven us. We are not delinquents, nor are we crazy, nor are we attempting a coup, nor just some bad people: we are normal people who ask to be able to vote and who have been willing to undertake all necessary dialogue to carry it out in an agreed manner. We have nothing against Spain and the Spanish.

Quite the opposite. We want to understand each other better, and that is the desire of the majority in Catalonia. Because today, for many years now, the relationship isn’t working and nothing has been done to reverse a situation that has become unsustainable. And a people can not be compelled, against its will, to accept a status quo that it did not vote for and does not want. The Constitution is a democratic framework, but it is equally true that there is democracy beyond the Constitution.

Ladies and gentlemen, with the results of the referendum on October 1st, Catalonia has earned the right to be an independent state, and has earned the right to be heard and respected. I must recognise that today Catalonia is being listened to and respected beyond our frontiers. The yes to independence won an absolute majority in the elections, and two years later it has won a referendum under the attacks of batons. The ballot boxes, the only language we understand, say yes to independence. And this is the route I am committed to traveling. As is known, the Referendum Law establishes that, two days after the official proclamation of the results, and in the case where the number of Yes votes is superior to the number of No votes, the Parliament (and I cite the wording of the law) “will hold an ordinary session to put into effect a formal declaration of the independence of Catalonia, its effects and agree the beginning of the constituent process”.

There’s a before and after the 1st of October, and we have achieved what we committed ourselves to at the beginning of this legislature. Arriving at this historic moment, and as President of the Generalitat I take it upon myself to say, in presenting to you the results of the referendum before Parliament and our co-citizens, that the people have determined that Catalonia should become an independent state in the form of a republic.

That is what needs to be done today, responsibly and with respect.

In with the same solemnity, the Government and I myself propose that the Parliament suspends the effects of the declaration of independence so that in the coming weeks we may begin a dialogue without which it is impossible to arrive at an agreed solution. We firmly believe that this moment needs not only a de-escalation of tension but also a clear and committed willingness to advance the claims of the people of Catalonia from the results of the 1st of October. We must keep these results in mind during the period of dialogue which we are willing to open.

It is well-known that since the referendum different mediation initiatives have been put in place, regarding dialogue and negotiation and at national, state and international level. Some of these are publicly known, while others are not known yet. All are serious attempts, and were difficult to imagine happening just a short time ago. The cries for dialogue and for no violence have been heard from all corners of the globe; yesterday’s declaration by a group of eight Nobel Peace Prize winners; the declaration the group The Elders led by the ex-secretary general of the United Nations Kofi Annan and made up of people of great world relevance; the positions of Presidents and Prime Ministers of European countries, European political leaders…

There’s a prayer for dialogue which runs through Europe, because Europe already feels interrupted by the effects of what could happen with a bad resolution of this conflict. All of these voices deserve to be listened to. And all, without exception, have asked that we open a time to give dialogue with the Spanish state a chance.

That is also what needs to be done today, responsibly and with respect.

In finishing, I call on the responsibility of everyone. To the citizens of Catalonia, I ask that we continue to express ourselves as we have done up to now, with freedom and with respect from those who think differently. To companies and economic stakeholders, I ask that they continue to generate wealth and not fall into the temptation to use their power to influence the population. To the political parties, I ask that they contribute with their words and actions to lower the tension. I also ask this of the media. To the Spanish government, I ask that they listen, not to us if they don’t want, but to those who advocate for mediation and to the international community, and to the millions of citizens around Spain who ask that they renounce repression and imposition. To the European Union, I ask that they get deeply involved and hold up the fundamental values of the Union.

Today the Government of Catalonia makes a gesture of responsibility and generosity, and again reaches out its hand in dialogue. I’m convinced that, if in the coming days everyone acts with the same responsibility and fulfils their obligations, the conflict between Catalonia and the Spanish state can be resolved in a manner that is serene and with accord, respecting the will of the people. For us, this will not stop here. Because we want to be true to our long history, to all who suffered and made sacrifices, and because we want a future of dignity for our children,for all those people who want to make Catalonia their land of welcome and hope.

Thank you very much.

Carles Puigdemont Casamajó
President of the Catalan Government

http://www.catalangovernment.eu/pres_gov/government/en/president/speeches-remarks-official-statements.html

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Peshmerga: Baghdad to pay heavy price for declaring war today

NEWS/IRAQ

Peshmerga: Baghdad to pay heavy price for declaring war today  

The Kurdish Peshmerga command has said the Iraqi government will pay a "heavy price" for its military campaign in Kirkuk, which it described as "a declaration of war against the nation of Kurdistan".

The warning by the Peshmerga General Command (PGC) on Monday came as Iraqi federal forces, backed by Shia militia, said they had taken full control of oil-rich Kirkuk in a swift advance on Kurdish-held positions.

The PGC accused some of the leaders of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) of "treason", alleging that forces under the party's control had withdrawn from areas they held. The PUK has denied the accusations, according to Kurdish news portal Rudaw.

"Unfortunately, some officials from the ... PUK helped this plot against the Kurdistan nation and committed a great and historic treason against Kurdistan and the martyrs who sacrificed their lives for Kurdistan under the PUK flag," the statement said.

Separately, Hemin Hawrami, special assistant to Masoud Barzani, president of the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) and leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party, posted on Twitter what he said was a statement by a main Shia militia group thanking PUK members for their cooperation in helping with the withdrawal from some of the areas around Kirkuk.

'Never united'

Al Jazeera's Charles Stratford, reporting from Erbil, said the fact that Iraqi forces were able to achieve their objective in just about 15 hours has left the KRG shocked and in need for answers.

"Already, there are questions being asked about whether leaders of one of the two main Kurdish political parties colluded with Iraqi military to ensure such a swift and easy victory in and around Kirkuk," he said.

Saad Jawad, professor of political science and senior fellow of the Middle East Centre at the London School of Economics, said "it is a reality" that the Kurdish parties are divided.

"Of course, they agreed on certain things but they were never united," he told Al Jazeera.

"I think the Iraqi government with the pressure of the Iranian government  … managed to woo a part of the Peshmerga that belong to the PUK."

'Constitutional duty' 

The Iraqi forces' advance was part of a major operation to retake Kirkuk, amid an escalating dispute in the wake of a controversial September 25 referendum on Kurdish secession that Baghdad had declared illegal.

In a rapid push, the Iraqi army seized control of the city's airport, in addition to an oil field, the strategic K1 military base and the Taza Khormatu district southeast of Kirkuk, before capturing the governorate building in the city centre.

As the Iraqi army advanced, thousands of people, including civilians and Peshmerga fighters, fled the disputed city.

In its statement, the Peshmerga command accused the government of Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi of being responsible for initiating "war", warning Baghdad that it will "pay a heavy price for this unfairness".

"We call upon all the real Peshmerga of the country and the resilient and enemy-defeating people to do all they can to resist and defeat the attackers," it said.

For his part, al-Abadi urged the Peshmerga to collaborate in maintaining the peace in Kirkuk.

"We call upon the Peshmerga forces to perform their duty under the federal leadership as part of the Iraqi armed forces," he said in a statement on Facebook, urging "all employees in Kirkuk to continue their work normally and not to disrupt the interests of citizens".

Al-Abadi said he was fulfilling his constitutional duty "to serve the citizens and protect the unity of the country, which was in danger of partition due to the insistence on holding the referendum organised by those in power in the Kurdistan region in a unilateral step".

Kurdish Peshmerga forces took control of oil-rich Kirkuk after the Iraqi army fled from a major offensive by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL, also known as ISIS) group in 2014.

Since then, there has not been an agreement between the KRG and the federal government in Baghdad about who should control the area - and benefit from its vast oil wealth.

Tensions between the two sides have been running especially high since Iraqi Kurds overwhelmingly voted for secession in last month's referendum.

The non-binding poll was held in areas under control of the KRG and in a handful of disputed territories, including Kirkuk.

Shortly after the referendum, the Iraqi parliament had asked al-Abadi to send troops to Kirkuk and regain control of the region's oil fields.

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA NEWS  

Baghdad: Iraqi forces in full control of Kirkuk

A member of the Iraqi forces takes down the Kurdish flag in Kirkuk [Reuters]

NEWS/IRAQ
Baghdad: Iraqi forces in full control of Kirkuk

The Iraqi army says it has taken full control of Kirkuk following a major advance on Kurdish-held territories.

The federal government in Baghdad and sources inside the city told Al Jazeera on Monday that Iraqi security forces had captured the governorate building in the centre of Kirkuk city.

According to security forces, troops moved into the building with no opposition from Kurdish Peshmerga fighters.

A dozen Humvees from Iraq's US-trained Counterterrorism Service arrived at the building and took position in the vicinity, alongside the local city police.

There was no immediate comment from Kurdish authorities.

'Complete withdrawal'

The advance was part of a major operation to retake the oil-rich province, amid an escalating dispute in the wake of a controversial September 25 referendum on Kurdish secession that Baghdad had declared illegal.

The Iraqi army said on Monday it had seized control of the city's airport, in addition to an oil field, the strategic K1 military base and the Taza Khormatu district southeast of Kirkuk.

As the Iraqi army advanced, thousands of people, including civilians and Peshmerga fighters, fled the disputed multi-ethnic city, home to about a million Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen and Christians.

Kurdish forces had previously vowed to defend Kirkuk, and for three days they were locked in an armed standoff with Iraqi government troops and allied Iranian-backed paramilitaries known as Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) on the outskirts of the city.

"It seems to be a complete withdrawal from the Peshmerga inside and around the city," said Al Jazeera's Charles Stratford, who followed Monday's events from the outskirts of Kirkuk.

He noted that was "really surprising" was the speed with which Kirkuk had fallen as it took Iraqi forces only about 15 hours to capture the city.

"A lot of people were very angry with this withdrawal," Stratford said.

"Standing by the side of the road, there were Peshmerga fighters demanding that their colleagues went back to Kirkuk and continued to try and defend it. Bt there were also a lot of very frightened people desperate to get out as quickly as possible."

'Blame game starting'

There were also signs of divisions among the Iraqi Kurds' two dominant factions, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), just a day after their leaders put on a show of unity by rejecting a demand by Baghdad to cancel the outcome of the referendum as a precondition for talks.

In a post on Twitter on Monday afternoon, Hemin Hawrami, special assistant to Masoud Barzani, president of the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) and KDP leader, posted on Twitter what he said was a statement by a main Shia militia group thanking PUK members for their cooperation in helping with the withdrawal from some of the areas around Kirkuk.

"The sense of surprise [after Kirkuk's fall] among the KRG must be quite incredible," Stratford said. "It's also interesting that we are beginning to hear the blame game starting," he added.

"There is going to be a lot of soul-searching, questioning and anger among the KRG about exactly how this happened after such a strong rhetoric for days that the Kurds remained united and that they would defend Kirkuk at all cost."

Kurdish Peshmerga forces took control of oil-rich Kirkuk after the Iraqi army fled from a major offensive by the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL, also known as ISIS) group in 2014.

Since then, there has not been an agreement between the KRG and the federal government in Baghdad about who should control the area - and benefit from its vast oil wealth.

Tensions between the two sides have been running especially high since Iraqi Kurds overwhelmingly voted for secession in last month's referendum.

The non-binding poll was held in areas under control of the KRG and in a handful of disputed territories, including Kirkuk.

Shortly after the referendum, the Iraqi parliament asked Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi to send troops to Kirkuk and take back control of the region's oil fields.

Kirkuk province is one of Iraq's two main oil-producing regions, believed to have around four percent of the world's oil resources.

It lies outside the official borders of the Kurds' semi-autonomous territory and is home to Kurds, Arabs, Turkmen and Christians.

The vast majority of Turkmen and Arabs who have lived in Kirkuk for generations boycotted the referendum.

"There are many Kurds who call it their Jerusalem," said Stratford, "but there's also considerable opposition among the Arabs and the Turkmen to any idea with respect to Kirkuk being part of a future independent Kurdish state."

SOURCE: AL JAZEERA NEWS

Catalonia: Spanish judge jails two independence leaders

Catalonia: Spanish judge jails two independence leaders for possible sedition

A Spanish judge has ordered two leaders of Catalonia’s pro-independence movement jailed while they are being investigated on possible charges of sedition.

The judge jailed Jordi Sanchez of the Catalan National Assembly and Jordi Cuixart of the Omnium Cultural group after questioning them and two senior law enforcement officials on Monday.

The National Court in Madrid is investigating the roles the four played during demonstrations in Barcelona on Sept. 20-21. Spanish police arrested several Catalan officials and raided offices on those dates as part of the central government’s crackdown on preparations for an Oct. 1 referendum on Catalan independence.

Earlier on Monday, the judge ruled that Catalan regional police chief Maj. Josep Lluis Trapero and colleague Lt. Teresa Laplana could remain free under several conditions. They include surrendering their passports and agreeing to appear in court every two weeks.


Source: The Independent Online

Hamas and Fatah: How are the two groups different?

Oslo Accord  அமெரிக்க ஏகாதிபத்திய சிறகுக்குள் பாலஸ்தீனம்

Hamas and Fatah: How are the two groups different?
Zena Tahhanby Zena Tahhan

Hamas and Fatah are the two most dominant parties in the Palestinian political scene.

On Thursday 12-10-2017, the two movements announced they had reached a deal to end a decade-long rift that brought them to an armed conflict in 2007.

Hamas has been the de facto ruler in the Gaza Strip since 2007, after defeating President Mahmoud Abbas' long dominant Fatah party in parliamentary elections.

======================

HAMAS VS FATAH
◾Ideology:

Hamas - Islamist
Fatah - Secular

◾Strategy towards Israel:

Hamas - Armed resistance
Fatah - Negotiations

◾Objectives:

Hamas - Does not recognise Israel, but accepts a Palestinian state on 1967 borders
Fatah - Recognises Israel, wants to build a state on 1967 borders

 

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Hamas then pushed Fatah out of Gaza when the latter refused to recognise the result of the vote.

Hamas and Fatah have ruled the occupied Palestinian territories of the Gaza Strip and the West Bank respectively ever since.

While the two groups work towards the same goal of building a Palestinian state on the territories that Israel occupied in 1967, consisting of East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, there are some stark differences.

What are their ideologies?

Fatah is a reverse acronym for Harakat al-Tahrir al-Filistiniya or Palestinian National Liberation Movement in Arabic. The word Fatah means to conquer.

The secular movement was founded in Kuwait in the late 1950s by diaspora Palestinians after the 1948 Nakba - the ethnic cleansing of Palestine by the Zionist movement aiming to create a Jewish modern state in historic Palestine.

Fatah was founded by several people, most notably the late president of the Palestinian Authority - Yasser Arafat, aides Khalil al-Wazir and Salah Khalaf, and Mahmoud Abbas, who is the current president of the Palestinian Authority.

The movement was premised on the armed struggle against Israel to liberate historic Palestine.

The main military wing of the group was al-Asifah, or the Storm. Al-Asifah fighters were based in several Arab countries as well as in the West Bank and Gaza.

The group's armed struggle against Israeli occupation began in 1965. Most of its armed operations were carried out from Jordan and Lebanon.

Under Yasser Arafat, and after the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Fatah became the dominant party in the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), which comprises numerous Palestinian political parties. The PLO was created in 1964 with the goal to liberate Palestine, and today acts as the representative of the Palestinian people at the United Nations.

After being pushed out of Jordan and Lebanon in the 1970s and 1980s, the movement underwent a fundamental change, choosing to negotiate with Israel.

"The Arabs basically helped in forcing Fatah to agree on taking a diplomatic route, after it was pushed out of Beirut," Nashat al-Aqtash, a ًWest Bank-based political analyst, told Al Jazeera.

In the 1990s, the Fatah-led PLO officially renounced armed resistance and backed United Nations Security Council Resolution 242, which calls for building a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders (West Bank, East Jerusalem and Gaza), alongside an Israeli state.

The PLO then signed the Oslo Accords, which led to the creation of the Palestinian National Authority, or Palestinian Authority, an interim self-governing body meant to lead to an independent Palestinian State.

Hamas is an acronym for Harakat al-Muqawamah al-Islamiyya, or Islamic Resistance Movement. The word Hamas means zeal.

The Hamas movement was founded in Gaza in 1987 by imam Sheikh Ahmed Yasin and aide Abdul Aziz al-Rantissi shortly after the start of the first Intifada, or Palestinian uprising against Israel's occupation of the Palestinian territories.

The movement started as an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt and created a military wing, the Izz al-Din al-Qassam Brigades, to pursue an armed struggle against Israel with the aim of liberating historic Palestine. It also provided social welfare programmes to Palestinian victims of the Israeli occupation.

Hamas defines itself as a "Palestinian Islamic national liberation and resistance movement", using Islam as its frame of reference.

In 2017, Hamas issued a political document effectively claiming to break ties with the Muslim Brotherhood and said it would accept a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders with the return of Palestinian refugees.

Though the move stirred fears among its loyalists that it was giving up on the Palestinian cause, Hamas added the following clause:

"Hamas rejects any alternative to the full and complete liberation of Palestine, from the river to the sea" but considers the establishment of a sovereign Palestinian state on 1967 borders "to be a formula of national consensus".

The movement believes that the "establishment of 'Israel' is entirely illegal". This sets it apart from the PLO, of which it is not a member.

Hamas entered Palestinian politics as a political party in 2005 when it engaged in local elections, and won a landslide victory in parliamentary elections in 2006, beating Fatah.

Since 2007, Israel has launched three wars against Hamas and the Strip. After Hamas won elections in that year, Israel imposed an airtight blockade.

Civilians in Gaza have borne the brunt of the fighting. In the last Israeli assault on the Strip, more than 2,200 Palestinians were killed, including 500 children, over a span of 50 days.

How do their objectives differ?

With the release of Hamas' political document in 2017, the objectives of the two parties are effectively the same - creating a Palestinian state on the borders of 1967.

"There is no value to the clause in which Hamas says it will not give up on historic Palestine," said al-Aqtash, the political analyst. "Hamas has accepted a political compromise and they cannot go back on this."

"All Palestinians dream of liberating historic Palestine, but today, they are working on a realistic solution," he added, explaining they are focusing on "what they can achieve as opposed to what they hope of achieving".

What are their strategies?

The biggest difference between the two movements today is their attitude towards Israel.

While Hamas has clung to using armed resistance, Fatah believes in negotiating with Israel and has completely ruled out using attacks.

The Oslo Accords gave Israel full control of the Palestinian economy as well as civil and security matters in more than 60 percent of the West Bank.

Under the agreements, the PA must coordinate with the Israeli occupation over security and any armed resistance attacks planned against Israelis. This is seen as highly controversial and seen by some as the PA collaborating with the Israeli occupation.

In March, protests erupted in the West Bank when prominent Palestinian political activist Basil al-Araj was killed by Israeli forces in Ramallah, after being arrested by PA security personnel on allegations of planning an attack.

Abbas, the PA president, regularly and publicly condemns any operations of armed resistance carried out by Palestinians against Israelis.

The issue of armed resistance has cast doubt over whether the unity agreement reached this week would succeed.

"The PA does not believe in the legitimacy of Hamas' arms. This means that the PA wants to end the resistance in Gaza and Hamas refuses that. And if Fatah accepts the resistance, Israel will take measures against the PA," Abdulsattar Qassem, a Nablus-based political analyst, told Al Jazeera.

"This will inevitably lead to the destruction of the potential new unity government."

How do they rally support?

Hamas' attraction lies in its ideology, compared with Fatah which has more international backing and is seen as more financially secure.

In terms of garnering support, the two employ very different tactics.

Hamas, like the Muslim Brotherhood, uses grassroots activism to inform people on its ideology, in places such as mosques and universities.

Fatah, on the other hand, no longer carries out such exercises, and relies more on providing financial support to gain followers, according to those on the ground.

Al-Aqtash says about half of Fatah loyalists "financially benefit from the PA and get rewards such as salaries and high positions - along with their families.

"Their livelihood is tied to the existence of the PA."

Many still view Fatah's Arafat as a Palestinian leader. In his time, before signing the Oslo Accords, the party supported armed resistance.

"Many of those on the street who support Fatah do so from an emotional perspective - for the slogans and the history of the movement - without really understanding what the movement's current views are," said al-Aqtash.

On the other hand, Hamas has a completely different loyalty base, says Ramallah-based activist Hazem Abu Helal.

"Hamas has a distinct ideology and they have people working to promote their ideas, as opposed to Fatah which uses money to secure its followers," Abu Helal told Al Jazeera.

"Today, if you ask university students, the majority of them do not know what Fatah's ideology is. The movement does not have clear principles."

SOURCE: Al Jazeera

Spanish monarchy and Catholicism

Spanish monarchy and Catholicism

https://youtu.be/9rDOgtDS8xc

 

 

Catalan President declaration of independence speech

 

https://youtu.be/AVqpJ7m-AaA

 

 

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https://youtu.be/AVqpJ7m-AaA

Catalan leader stakes claim to independence, then delays it

by Aritz Parra And Joseph Wilson, The Associated Press
Posted Oct 10, 2017 8:48 am EDT

BARCELONA, Spain – Catalan separatists on Tuesday signed what they called a declaration of independence from Spain to cheers and applause in the regional parliament. Catalonia’s president said he would delay implementing it for several weeks to give dialogue a chance.

 

Spain, however, called an emergency Cabinet meeting for Wednesday morning and gave little indication it is willing to talk.

 

In his highly anticipated speech, regional President Carles Puigdemont said the landslide victory in a disputed Oct. 1 referendum gave his government the grounds to implement its long-held desire to break century-old ties with Spain.

 

But he proposed that the regional parliament “suspend the effects of the independence declaration to commence a dialogue, not only for reducing tension but for reaching an accord on a solution to go forward with the demands of the Catalan people.”

 

“We have to listen to the voices that have asked us to give a chance for dialogue with the Spanish state,” Puigdemont said.

 

The central government in Madrid responded that it did not accept the declaration of independence by the separatists and did not consider the referendum or its results to be valid. Spanish Deputy Prime Minister Soraya Saenz de Santamaria said an emergency Cabinet meeting had been called for Wednesday.

 

The Catalan leader “doesn’t know where he is, where he is going and with whom he wants to go,” she said.

 

Saenz de Santamaria said the government couldn’t accept the Catalan government’s validation of its referendum law because it is suspended by the constitutional Court, or the results of the Oct. 1 vote because it was illegal and void of guarantees.

 

She said Puigdemont had put Catalonia “in the greatest level of uncertainty seen yet.”

 

One of the government’s options at the Wednesday meeting could be to set about applying Article 155 of the Constitution, which allows the central government to take some or total control of any of its 17 regions that don’t comply with their legal obligations. This would begin with a Cabinet meeting and a warning to the regional government to fall into line. Then, the Senate could be called to approve the measure.

 

Puigdemont also could be called in for questioning in court and possibly arrested.

 

Following his speech, the Catalan leader was the first to sign the document titled “Declaration of the Representatives of Catalonia.” Dozens of other separatist lawmakers signed it after him.

 

The signatories said the document was a full declaration of independence.

 

Joan Barcelo, a researcher on political conflicts at Washington University in St. Louis, said the mixed messages sent by Puigdemont’s speech did little in his effort to rally international support.

 

“It’s a mess and a mistake in political communication strategy,” Barcelo said. “He was trying not to burn bridges to dialogue, but he’s going to create doubts among his supporters.”

 

In his remarks, Puigdemont was highly critical of the Spanish government’s response to the referendum and the violent police reaction that left hundreds injured on voting day, but said Catalans have nothing against Spain or Spaniards, and that they want to understand each other better.

 

“We are not criminals, we are not crazy, we are not pulling off a coup, we are not out of our minds. We are normal people who want to vote,” he said.

 

Opposition leader Ines Arrimadas of the Ciutadans (Citizens) party slammed the speech.

 

“This is a coup. Nobody has recognized the result of the referendum. Nobody in Europe supports what you have just done,” she said.

 

“The majority of Catalans feels they are Catalans, Spanish and European. … We won’t let you break our hearts into bits,” Arrimadas said.

 

Socialist leader Miquel Iceta also was highly critical.

 

“You are proposing to suspend a declaration that hasn’t been made, that’s pretty tough,” he said with irony, adding that “you can’t claim a mandate from the Oct. 1 vote … a vote that had no guarantees.”

Puigdemont’s speech marked a critical point in a decade-long standoff between Catalan separatists and Spain’s central authorities. Security was tight in Barcelona and police cordoned off a park surrounding the legislative building.

 

In Brussels, European Council President Donald Tusk pleaded directly with the Catalan leadership ahead of the speech to choose dialogue rather than a divisive call for independence.

 

“I ask you to respect in your intentions the constitutional order and not to announce a decision that would make such a dialogue impossible,” he said.

 

Some 2.3 million Catalans — or 43 per cent of the electorate in the northeastern region — voted in the referendum. Regional authorities say 90 per cent were in favour and declared the results valid. Those who opposed the referendum had said they would boycott the vote.

 

Rajoy’s government had repeatedly refused to grant Catalonia permission to hold a referendum on the grounds that it was unconstitutional, since it would only poll a portion of Spain’s 46 million residents.

 

Catalonia’s separatists camp has grown in recent years, strengthened by Spain’s recent economic crisis and by Madrid’s rejection of attempts to increase self-rule in the region.

 

The political deadlock has plunged Spain into its deepest political crisis in more than four decades, since democratic rule was restored following the dictatorship of Gen. Francisco Franco.

 

Thousands rallied in Barcelona’s streets and watched Puigdemont’s speech. For some, his move to not declare outright secession was disappointing.

 

“I feel a little sad because now is not independence,” said 55-year-old Maria Gill. “We must wait a few weeks, a few weeks we must talk with the government of Spain.”Others took a more stoic approach.

 

“Perhaps it isn’t the decisive declaration, declaring the republic and breaking away (from Spain) from today before any negotiation,” said Oscar Baldes. “But it’s a first step and that’s important.”

 

Any declaration of independence won’t immediately lead to the creation of a new state because the Catalan government will need to figure out how to wrest control of its sovereignty from a Spanish government that has the law, and international support, on its side, said Barcelo, the researcher on political conflicts.

 

He said any declaration must be viewed through the lens of “the Catalan government’s long-term strategy of provoking an extraordinary and even clumsy reaction from central authorities” to build support.

 

Hundreds of thousands have turned out for protests in Barcelona and other towns in the past month to back independence and protest against police violence during the vote. Those committed to national unity have also staged separate, large-scale rallies.

 

Polls indicate that Catalonia’s 7.5 million residents are evenly divided over secession, although a majority support holding a referendum on independence authorized by central authorities.

 

The tension has already affected the economy, with dozens of companies relocating their corporate addresses to remain under Spanish and European laws if Catalonia secedes. The moves of the firms’ bases have not so far affected jobs or investments, but they don’t send a message of confidence in the Puigdemont government.

___

Associated Press writers Hernan Munoz in Barcelona, and Ciaran Giles in Madrid, contributed to this report.


 

CCP 19th Party Congress to be a monument to Xi Jinping

19th Party Congress to be a monument to Xi Jinping

Xi is likely to be endorsed as China's third paramount leader after Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping

By Wu Zhong| September 29, 2017
 
The Communist Party of China (CPC) has set the tone for its 19th National Congress, scheduled to open on October 18, as an epoch-making event on par with the founding of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) by Mao Zedong in 1949 and the launch of economic reform and opening up by Deng Xiaoping in the late 1970s, which logically leads to endorsement of President Xi Jinping as the third paramount leader after Mao and Deng.

Briefing the Chinese media recently on the upcoming party meeting, Jiang Jianguo, deputy chief of the CPC’s Central Department of Publicity, said recently that the 19th Party Congress “will take care of not only the next five years, but the next two or three decades as well”. In other words, the Congress will set an agenda for the party and the nation to follow for quite a long time. But why 20 to 30 years, specifically?

In 2012 when Xi took the reins after the conclusion of the 18th Party Congress, he put forward his concept of a “Chinese dream” for “the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation”. To fulfill this great dream, he later set two centenary goals: to build China into a moderately prosperous society in all respects by 2021, when the CPC marks its centennial; and to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation by 2049, when the PRC marks its centennial. There are now 32 years left to realise Xi’s “Chinese dream” fully.

Xi’s “Chinese dream” seems to consist of three phases: for the Chinese nation to stand up, to become wealthy, and then to become strong. As he elaborated in a speech in late July, “The Chinese nation, which has experienced tribulations and hardships since modern times, has made a historic leap from standing up to becoming rich and then to getting stronger. Having stood up and become better off, getting stronger now becomes a new challenge to China. We must get prepared mentally, theoretically and systematically.”

So roughly speaking, the first centenary goal “to build China into a moderately prosperous society in all respects” is meant for Chinese people to become rich or at least better off, and the second one, “to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation”, is to turn China into a strong power.

Third milestone in history

It is a common saying in China that Mao led the Chinese nation to stand up and Deng paved the way for the nation to become rich. Therefore, it is Xi who is tasked with blazing the way for the nation to become a strong power by the middle of this century. If he succeeds, he will surely become the third epoch-making leader after Mao and Deng. Since it is believed that the 19th Party Congress will focus on how to make this last phase of the “Chinese dream” come true, it will also be hailed as the third milestone in the histories of the CPC and the PRC.

Hence it is no surprise that the 19th Congress will revise the party constitution to endorse Xi’s ideas as part of the CPC’s guiding ideology. The current party constitution stipulates that the CPC upholds Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the “important idea of Three Represents” and the Scientific Outlook on Development as its guidelines to action.

It is noted that “Three Represents” was the brainchild of former party chief Jiang Zemin and the Scientific Outlook on Development was proposed by Hu Jintao, Xi’s predecessor. Nevertheless, neither of those men is named in the constitution. If, as widely expected, Xi’s ideas are to be written into the party constitution as part of its guiding ideology with his name attached, then it means he will be endorsed as a paramount leader on par with Mao and Deng.

And in fact, only Xi can be said to be as strong a leader as Mao and Deng, given that he is firmly in command of the armed forces. By comparison, Jiang and Hu, especially the latter, had no military experience and had to rely on the top generals, who being unchecked acted recklessly and cared for nobody and eventually became corrupt.

On the economic front, since the CPC’s goal for the next couple of decades is to make China strong, one can be certain that the party will task itself to continue boosting economic growth through reform and opening up. This is evident in remarks made this week by Vice-Premier Liu Yandong during her visit to the United States. On Wednesday she told former US secretary of state Henry Kissinger in New York that China would further open up its economy after the 19th Party Congress.

Hence it can be expected that the Chinese economy will grow at the current pace if not faster in years to come, although it is unlikely that specific growth goals will be set at the Party Congress, which focuses more on matters of principle.

And under Xi, China’s rise will follow its own path. The statement  following the Politburo meeting on August 31, which set the date for the 19th Party Congress, made it clear that “the whole party and nation must hold and boost firm self-confidence in the socialist road with Chinese characteristics, theoretical self-confidence, self-confidence in [China’s own] system, and cultural self-confidence.”
These “four self-confidences,” coined by Xi himself, clearly indicate that China rejects becoming Westernized, whatever that word means. As a matter of fact, the Chinese people nowadays are becoming increasingly confident that their nation is on the right track of development.

A July 25 Wall Street Journal report, “New challenge to US power: Chinese exceptionalism,” said:
President Xi Jinping is holding up China as a confident global power at a time when US leadership seems uncertain. Increasingly, his government can count on swelling national pride among its own citizens.

A generation after China’s late reformist leader Deng Xiaoping exhorted his fellow citizens to “keep our light hidden and bide our time”, Chinese exceptionalism is on the rise. While some Chinese still believe the country will need to embrace democracy to reach its full potential, many others are convinced the country has reached this point not in spite of the government’s crushing of pro-democracy protests in 1989, but because of it.

Annual surveys by the Pew Research Center since 2010 show more than 80% of Chinese are satisfied with the direction of their country. Three-quarters of the Chinese surveyed by Pew last year see China playing a bigger role in global affairs than 10 years ago, and 60% view China’s involvement in the global economy as positive.

Major leadership reshuffle

With Xi’s somewhat absolute authority established, he surely has the final say on the major leadership reshuffle to be made at the 19th Party Congress.

At the five-yearly Party Congress, the 2,300 deputies representing 88 million CPC members across the country will elect its new Central Committee, which in turn will elect a new Politburo and its Standing Committee.

Apart from Xi and Premier Li Keqiang, all five of the other members of the incumbent Politburo Standing Committee have reached retirement age. And four are sure to step down: the chairman of the National People’s Congress (NPC) Zhang Dejiang, chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) Yu Zhengsheng, propaganda tsar Liu Yunshan, and Vice-Premier Zhang Gaoli.

But there is speculation that Xi may want the no-nonsense Wang Qishan, head of the top anti-graft watchdog, to stay and continue leading the campaign to crack down on corruption. Supporters of this cite as evidence Wang’s recent high-profile activities such as meeting with Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong and former White House chief strategist Steve Bannon. However, there are also unconfirmed reports saying that Wang, 69, is not in good health and wishes to retire.
Given Wang’s age, he will have to step down under the party’s unwritten rule of compulsory retirement. But there is also no doubt that given Xi’s authority today, he can easily change that rule. But the cost would probably be too high, according to some Chinese sources.

The rule was established through arduous efforts and has been strictly followed in past decades. Once it is broken, it may not be easy to re-establish it. And without such a rule in place, retirement of officials would become an arbitrary thing again, opening doors to nepotism and corruption.
More important, through Wang’s efforts over the past five years, effective anti-corruption mechanisms have gradually become institutionalized, so his retirement would not necessarily signal that the crackdown would slow down or become less effective. Therefore, right now it seems there is a greater chance of Wang retiring than otherwise. If he does so, his latest high-profile activities could be seen as his farewell gesture.

According to the CPC’s adopted practice, vacancies in the Politburo Standing Committee normally will be filled by incumbent Politburo members, and vacancies in the Politburo will be filled by incumbent Central Committee members. But this year, there may be a couple of “dark horses”.
Among the current Politburo members, the most likely to be promoted into the Politburo Standing Committee include Vice-Premier Wang Yang, Guangdong provincial party secretary Hu Chunhua, Shanghai municipal party secretary Han Zheng, and the director of the CPC’s General Office, Li Zhanshu. It is said that Wang Yang is also likely to replace Zhang Dejiang as NPC chairman, and Li Zhanshu to replace Wang Qishan, if he retires, to head the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI), the top anti-graft watchdog.

Xi protégé Chen Min’er, currently Chongqing municipal party secretary and a Central Committee member, is likely to be a dark horse to climb two rungs to become a Politburo Standing Committee member.

No endorsement of heir to Xi

Another Xi protégé, Cai Qi, currently Beijing municipal party secretary, is likely to be another dark horse in the leadership reshuffle at the 19th Party Congress. Currently, he is not even an alternate member of the Central Committee, but he is sure to be promoted into the Politburo – also moving up two rungs of the CPC’s bureaucratic ladder.

Unlike in the past, the 19th Party Congress will not endorse an heir to Xi, though he will have to step down five years later if the rule of retirement remains in effect. Does this mean Xi would seek a third term in 2022 or want to run a “horse race” to see who will stick out with outstanding performance? On that question, we can only wait and see.

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France will not recognise Catalonia Independence, minister

File Photo: French European Affairs Minister
Nathalie Loiseau

France will not recognise Catalonia independence, minister
By RFI    Issued on 09-10-2017 

Reutrs/Eric Gaillard

France will not recognise Catalan independence if the region's president announces that it will leave Spain in a speech to parliament on Tuesday, French European Affairs Minister Nathalie Loiseau said on Monday.

Catalan President Carles Puigdemont is due to bring the results of the region's independence referendum before the regional parliament on Tuesday.

The regional government published the final results on Friday, with 90.18 percent of those taking part voting "yes" on a low 43 percent turnout.But the vote was declared illegal by the Spanish government and obstructed by police.

Many opponents boycotted it and there was a large demonstration against independence in Barcelona on Sunday.

“If there were to be a declaration of independence, it would be unilateral and it would not be recognised,” Loiseau told CNews television on Monday.

“Catalonia cannot be defined by the vote organised by the independence movement just over a week ago,” she went on. “This crisis needs to be resolved through dialogue at all levels of Spanish politics.”

She also repeated the European Union's warning that a breakaway Catalonia would have reapply for membership of the bloc, saying it would have “automatically left the European Union".

It was not clear on Monday whether Puigdemont would declared independence or simply recognise the referendum result.

The Catalan independence campaign has worried some politicians in France, which has its own Catalan-speaking region, known as Pyrénées-Orientales and has also faced a separatist movement in Brittany.