அரசியல் பிரச்சாரத்தின் ஆதாரக் கோட்பாடு

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அரசியல் பிரச்சாரத்தின் ஆதாரக் கோட்பாடு.

'' நீதி, மதம், அரசியல், சமுதாயம் சம்பந்தமான எல்லாவித சொல்லடுக்குகளுக்கும் பிரகடனங்களுக்கும் வாக்குறுதிகளுக்கும் பின்னே ஏதாவதொரு வர்க்கத்தின் நலன்கள் ஒழிந்து நிற்பதைக் கண்டுகொள்ள மக்கள் தெரிந்துகொள்ளாத வரையில் அரசியலில் அவர்கள் முட்டாள்தனமான ஏமாளிகளாகவும் தம்மைத் தாமே ஏமாற்றிக்கொள்வோராகவும் இருந்தனர், எப்போதும் இருப்பார்கள். பழைய ஏற்பாடு ஒவ்வொன்றும் எவ்வளவுதான் காட்டு மிராண்டித் தனமாகவும் அழுகிப் போனதாகவும் தோன்றிய போதிலும் ஏதாவது ஒரு ஆளும்வர்க்கத்தின் சக்தியைக் கொண்டு அது நிலைநிறுத்தப்பட்டு வருகிறது. சீர்திருத்தங்கள், அபிவிருத்திகள் ஆகியவற்றின் ஆதரவாளர்கள் இதை உணராத வரையில் பழைய அமைப்பு முறையின் பாதுகாவலர்கள் அவர்களை என்றென்றும் முட்டாளாக்கிக் கொண்டே இருப்பார்கள். இந்த வர்க்கங்களின் எதிர்ப்பைத் தகர்த்து ஒழிப்பதற்கு ஒரே ஒரு வழிதான் உண்டு. அது என்ன?

பழைமையைத் துடைத்தெறியவும் புதுமையைச் சிருக்ஷ்டிக்கவும் திறன் பெற்றவையும், சமுதாயத்தில் தாங்கள் வகிக்கும் ஸ்தானத்தின் காரணமாக அப்படிச் சிருக்ஷ்டித்துக் தீரவேண்டிய நிர்ப்பந்தத்திலிருக்கிறவையுமான சக்திகளை, நம்மைச் சூழ்ந்துள்ள இதே சமுதாயத்துக்குள்ளேயே நாம் கண்டுபிடித்து, அந்தச் சக்திகளுக்கு ஞானமூட்டிப் போராட்டத்துக்கு ஸ்தாபன ரீதியாகத் திரட்ட வேண்டும். இது ஒன்றேதான் வழி. ''

மாமேதை தோழர் லெனின்
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Thursday, 2 February 2017

America First Vs Make in India


'Trump's America first policies could hamper Modi's Make in India': Chinese media PTI
Published Feb 6, 2017, 6:55 pm IST

The state-run Global Times speculated Trump could request more access to India's market while following protectionist policies at home.

 Beijing: President Donald Trump's 'bring jobs back to America' policy could challenge Prime Minister Narendra Modi's 'Make in India' initiative, Chinese media warned on Monday, even as it commented that the US' continued engagement with Asian allies may benefit Indo-US ties.
"It is being speculated that Trump could request more access to India's market while following protectionist policies at home," an article in the state-run Global Times said.

"This move would impact firms outsourcing to India and Indian exporters, particularly in the sectors of IT and pharmaceuticals. Currently, India has one of the largest numbers of educated, technically trained people in the world, making it a favoured outsourcing destination for some of the largest US firms. Trump's 'bring jobs back to America' is a challenge to Modi's 'Make in India'," it said.

"With regard to Iran, India wouldn't want many alterations to the US-Iran nuclear deal. The former US-initiated sanctions made it hard for India to engage with Iran and significantly
reduced the imports from its neighbour," it said.

The article noted that Trump has directed the Department of Labour to investigate "all abuses of visa programmes that undercut American workers".

"If any visa restrictions are imposed, they would definitely constrain the movement of Indian IT professionals.

Indians are believed to be the largest recipients of H-1B visas in the US, and IT companies that outsource to India are among the top sponsors of such visas. Such a move will definitely not go down well with Indian public as well as leaders," it said.

But at the same time, the US' continued engagement with its Asian allies like Japan and South Korea would work in India's favour and its commitment to its position on SouthChina Sea might also bring India and US closer, boosting engagement in the field of security, it said.

"Moreover, cooperation on India's anti-terrorism efforts would be welcome," it said.

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Can ‘Make in India’ & ‘America First’ merge?
Thursday, Feb 16, 2017 | Last Update : 06:49 PM IST
Opinion, Columnists
K C Singh
The writer is a former secretary in the external affairs ministry. He tweets at @ambkcsingh

Donald Trump’s victory upended pollsters and shocked the global community anxiously awaiting the outcome of an extremely raucous and personalised election. The leaders of America’s Republican Party had surmised, after losing to President Barack Obama in 2008 and 2012, that to win in an ethnically diversifying country they would have to broaden their base. Mr Trump, however, did just the opposite by consolidating white majority support by an unabashedly anti-minority and bigoted campaign. The Economist magazine, which had denounced Mr Trump prior to the election, writes that he has “contempt for conservative orthodoxy” and harbours a dystopian vision, bigotry and anti-intellectualism. It concludes that if he has not rewritten the rules of electioneering, he has certainly flouted most of them. His new electoral alliance, transcending traditional party lines, dredges economic fears and racial anxiety of the white majority, that will shrink by 2050 from 61.8 per cent of the population today to 46.6 per cent, if current immigration policies persist. In his victory speech, he called them “the forgotten men and women”.

Though the last-minute intervention by the director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation broke Hillary Clinton’s momentum and distracted attention away from Mr Trump’s sex tapes, she really lost as she did not represent the change which most people sought. His win mirrors a global trend towards the rise of chauvinistic leaders, often highly divisive but certainly autocratic, who rally their nations using past hurts or contemporary angst. Those falling into this category would include Russia’s Vladimir Putin, Turkey’s Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey, China’s Xi Jinping and India’s Narendra Modi. Waiting in the wings are Trump clones like Marine Le Pen, leader of the xenophobic National Front in France, often dubbed Trump Lite. Mr Trump’s apparent threat to the existing geo-economic order, stems from his economic and foreign policy pronouncements in the campaign, a lot even contemptuous of the traditional Republican Party platform. For instance, he condemns all trade agreements, including the North American Free Trade Agreement (Nafta), that integrated the Mexican and Canadian economies with that of the US.

On foreign policy, he advocates a retreat from US “exceptionalism” — a bedrock of the US worldview as the deemed custodian of liberty and freedom worldwide. Mr Trump instead preaches “America First” and an isolationist stance. German Chancellor Angela Merkel, in her congratulatory message, conditioned partnership on respect for human dignity, racial equality and tolerance. A similar message went from the European Union. These are surprisingly blunt signals to the putative leader of the Western alliance. From the fog of electioneering some elements of his putative foreign and domestic policies are emerging. In his victory speech he was moderation incarnate, advocating partnership and not confrontation with nations “willing to get along with us”. Having campaigned against Nafta he would have to at least review if not discard it. The Mexican peso has plunged in anticipation and Canada, which sends three-quarters of its exports to the US, is understandably nervous.

The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), which was to tie the US to 11 partners in the Asia-Pacific region and provide geo-strategic underpinning to containing China, is now in limbo. Japan’s Lower House had already approved the TPP. Prime Minister Shinzo Abe is rushing to engage Mr Trump in the US even before his inauguration to seek clarity about all elements of the US-Japan alliance. Mr Trump’s praise of President Vladimir Putin and signal to Nato allies that to obtain US protection they must commit greater resources increases uncertainty in Europe, already facing universally rising anti-establishment feelings, of which Brexit was a signal. His iconoclastic suggestion, which he may now drop, that Japan and the Republic of Korea could acquire nuclear weapons if they need for self-protection to offset reduced US commitment may undermine the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, not entirely an unwelcome prospect from India’s perspective.

The Trump approach to the Islamic world is also laden with paradoxes. He has scoffed at Sunni Gulf sheikhdoms and yet also wants to undo the nuclear deal with Iran. At the same time he wants ISIS obliterated, though it seems extremely unlikely that he would be prepared to commit troops for this. He is unlikely to press Israel as Mr Obama did on illegal settlements. But President Obama engaged Iran realising that the US could not counter ISIS without committing troops in West Asia unless the Russia-Iran axis, supplemented by US-boosted Iraqi and Kurdish forces operating under US air cover, was unshackled in northern Syria-Iraq. A group called Hindu Americans for Trump had invited him to a New Jersey temple in a town largely inhabited by Gujarati-origin Indians. Was it PM Narendra Modi’s outreach to Mr Trump using the RSS and Gujarati links? If so, it is a welcome move.

India will have to watch carefully Mr Trump’s policy towards East Asia, including China, Europe, including Russia, and West Asia, mainly Iran. India and Pakistan would perhaps figure lower on his initial list of priorities. On trade and economics, India must monitor his policy on visas, taxing of outsourcing firms and other protectionist steps that may present both challenges and opportunities. Trump Inc has real estate links in Mumbai and Pune. He is also at heart a transactional businessman whom India can engage as he carries little baggage of Cold War links to Pakistan. Mr Modi must find the first opportunity to meet him to develop chemistry and sell a shared vision of 21st century Asia. India-US ties are flourishing but still lack economic and technological depth. Some unfinished business still lingers — such as India’s permanent membership of the UN Security Council, Nuclear Suppliers Group and enhanced defence links. Can Mr Modi’s “Make in India” be meshed with Mr Trump’s “America First” to craft, what President Obama once called, the defining partnership of the 21st century? History beckons both.

 

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